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Estela funeraria de cronología omeya aparecida en Madrid (308/921) 在马德里出现的倭马亚王朝墓碑(308/921)
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2015-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.005
María Antonia Martínez-Núñez
The main aim of this article is the translation and study of a funerary inscription appeared in the historical centre of Madrid. It contains the epitaph of a man who died in the year 308/921. This inscription has a big historical interest because of its early chronology and because of being the first Arabic stele of the Andalusian period found in Madrid.
本文的主要目的是翻译和研究出现在马德里历史中心的陪葬铭文。里面有一个死于公元308/921年的人的墓志铭。这个铭文具有很大的历史意义,因为它的年代较早,而且是在马德里发现的第一块安达卢西亚时期的阿拉伯石碑。
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引用次数: 1
From Kitāb al-ḥadā’iq to Kitāb al-dawā’ir: Reconsidering Ibn al-Sīd al-Batalyawsī’s Philosophical Treatise 从Kitāb al-ḥadā ' iq到Kitāb al- dawi ' ir:重新思考Ibn al- sj -d al- batalyaws ' s的哲学论文
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2015-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.006
Ayala Eliyahu
The philosophical treatise known as Kitāb al-ḥadā’iq is generally ascribed to the 12 th century Andalusian author Ibn al-Sīd al-Batalyawsī, although this attribution is sometimes contested. This paper offers a new interpretation of the title, textual history, authorship, sources, and literary genre of this treatise, on the basis of new textual evidence, a reexamination of known evidence, and a comparison between the treatise and Batalyawsī’s works. The conclusions of this study are first, that Kitāb al-ḥadā’iq was not the treatise’s original title, and therefore it should be renamed Kitāb al-dawā’ir ; second, that Kitāb al-dawā’ir was originally part of (one of the versions) of Batalyawsī’s Kitāb al-masā’il ; and third, that the textual and stylistic similarities between this treatise and Batalyawsī’s other works prove the authenticity of the treatise’s attribution to Batalyawsī. In addition, new findings regarding Batalyawsī’s use of formulas from the Rasā’il Ikhwān al-Safā , in Kitāb al-dawā’ir and Kitāb al-masā’il provide further evidence for the deep impact of the Ikhwān on Batalyawsī’s thought, as well as for the close connection between Kitāb al-dawā’ir and Kitāb al-masā’il . This connection is further highlighted according to the attribution of both treatises to the genre of questions and answers in Arabic literature. The evidence gathered in this paper supports the claim that Batalyawsī’s Kitāb al-dawā’ir should be seen as an integral part of his literary oeuvre, as well as of Andalusian philosophical literature in general.
被称为Kitāb al-ḥadā ' iq的哲学论文通常被认为是12世纪安达卢西亚作家Ibn al- s dal - batalyaws的作品,尽管这种归属有时会受到争议。本文在新的文本证据、对已知证据的重新审视以及对该论文与batalyaws的作品的比较的基础上,对该论文的标题、文本历史、作者、来源和文学类型提供了新的解释。这项研究的结论是,首先,Kitāb al-ḥadā ' iq不是论文的原始标题,因此它应该更名为Kitāb al- dawal ' ir;第二,Kitāb al- dawi ' ir最初是batalyaws ' s '的Kitāb al- masi ' il的一部分(其中一个版本);第三,这篇论文与巴塔利亚乌斯的其他作品在文本和风格上的相似性证明了该论文的真实性。此外,关于batalyaws ' s在Kitāb al- dawha ' ir和Kitāb al- masha ' ir中使用rasha ' il Ikhwān al- safha '中的公式的新发现,将为Ikhwān对batalyaws ' s '的思想的深刻影响以及Kitāb al- dawha ' ir和Kitāb al- masha ' il之间的密切联系提供进一步的证据。根据这两篇论文在阿拉伯文学中的问答类型的归属,这种联系进一步突出。本文收集的证据支持batalyaws ' s的Kitāb al- dawir应该被视为他的文学作品以及安达卢西亚哲学文学的一个组成部分的说法。
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引用次数: 1
Sobre el autor del Ḏikr bilād al-Andalus
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2015-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/alqantara.2015.008
Luis Molina
This paper discusses the attribution of the chronicle entitled Dhikr bilād al-Andalus to the fourteenth century scholar from Granada Ibn Juzayy. After reviewing the arguments used in support of such an attribution and taking into account the evidence provided by a new manuscript of the Dhikr , it is concluded that it must continue being considered an anonymous work.
本文讨论了编年史《Dhikr bilād al-Andalus》的作者是14世纪格拉纳达学者伊本·朱萨伊。在审查了用于支持这种归属的论据并考虑到Dhikr的新手稿提供的证据后,得出的结论是,它必须继续被视为匿名作品。
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引用次数: 1
Acuñaciones monetarias de al-Andalus en la primera mitad del siglo V/XI: fin de un modelo, consolidación de las emisiones regionales 5 / 11世纪上半叶安达卢斯的货币铸造:一种模式的终结,区域发行的巩固
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2015-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.003
Eneko López Martínez de Marigorta
During the first half of the fifth/eleventh century, the caliphal minting practices of the previous century gradually changed, and by the end of this period, a very different monetary system had been established. While in the fourth/tenth century, dinars and dirhams were regularly minted in al-Andalus, by the middle of the next century the number of mints had multiplied and each regional power possessed its own model for the emission of coins. Moreover, the quality of gold and silver coins decreased considerably. The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative analysis of the monetary production developed in the first half of the fifth/eleventh century among the different dynasties of al-Andalus in order to establish the chronological phases that mark the shift from one model of minting to others.
在5 / 11世纪上半叶,前一个世纪的哈里发铸造做法逐渐改变,到这一时期结束时,一个非常不同的货币体系已经建立起来。在四、十世纪,安达卢斯定期铸造第纳尔和迪拉姆,到下个世纪中叶,造币厂的数量成倍增加,每个地区都有自己的硬币发行模式。此外,金银钱币的质量也大幅下降。本文的目的是对五/十一世纪上半叶安达卢斯不同朝代的货币生产进行比较分析,以确定标志着从一种铸造模式向其他模式转变的时间顺序阶段。
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引用次数: 1
La supuesta basílica de San Vicente en Córdoba: de mito histórico a obstinación historiográfica cordoba中所谓的圣文森特大教堂:从历史神话到历史固执
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2015-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.001
Fernando Arce-Sainz
Underneath the Great-Mosque of Cordoba, there are some archaeological remains which have been the origin of several historiographical debates. The core of these debates was the idea that there were previous Christian buildings in the site later demolished to make room for the Umayyad mosque. However, the documented church of Saint Vincent, for the astonishment of many, did not appear in the excavations made in the 1930s. Much later, set aside the myth, but never truly forgotten, the idea that there might have been a full episcopal complex suceeded the other. Recent historigraphical developments are building new interpretations upon an archaeological evidence, that drove archaeologists, in the past, to deny definitively the presence of these ecclesiastical premises. This article argues what others have already stated: that according to the present archaeological knowledge, no evidence shows that there were previous Christian buildings under the Umayyad mosque. In terms of our conclusions, the article is not original. The main aim of this contribution is to offer a new and neccesary contextualizacion of textual and archaeological interpretations of emphirical data.
在科尔多瓦大清真寺的下面,有一些考古遗迹,它们一直是几次史学辩论的起源。这些争论的核心是这个地方以前有基督教建筑,后来被拆除,为倭马亚清真寺腾出空间。然而,令许多人惊讶的是,记录在案的圣文森特教堂并没有出现在20世纪30年代的挖掘中。很久以后,抛开神话,但从未真正忘记,可能有一个完整的主教综合体接替了另一个。最近的史学发展在考古证据的基础上建立了新的解释,这促使考古学家在过去明确否认这些教会场所的存在。这篇文章论证了其他人已经说过的:根据目前的考古知识,没有证据表明在倭马亚清真寺下面有以前的基督教建筑。就我们的结论而言,这篇文章不是原创的。这一贡献的主要目的是提供一个新的和必要的文本和考古解释经验数据的语境化。
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引用次数: 9
Identidad y fiscalidad: los gazis de Sevilla ante el pago del Servicio Morisco de 1597 身份与税收:1597年摩尔人服务付款前的塞维利亚加齐
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2015-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.004
M. Chaves
In this paper the author analyses the resistence of cultural Islamic rooted groups, such as the Mudejares and gazis , to be included in the “Service of Grenadans”, which was created after the expulsion of the Moriscos from the Kingdom of Granada in 1591. Based on studies from different sources, mainly notary records, the paper reconstructs the evolution of the gazi and Berber categories from their presence in the kingdom of Granada as of 1502 until their deportation after the Alpujarras war. The author researches how the interpretation and assessment of these two categories changes depending on the interest and position of the different parties involved in the fiscal equalization process that the Moriscos imposed onto other minor categories of the new converted population in Castilian land during the XVI century. The reluctance of Sevillian Mudejares and gazis to pay the new tax shows the differences existing not only within the Morisco community but also between this community and the rest of the Islamic based population in Castile, due to the diverse geographical origin of each group and the conflicts between the deported Grenadan citizen hierarchies with individuals from different origins and social structures.
在本文中,作者分析了伊斯兰文化根源群体的抵抗,如Mudejares和gazis,被纳入“格林纳达人服务”,这是在1591年将摩里斯科人驱逐出格拉纳达王国后创建的。基于不同来源的研究,主要是公证记录,本文重建了从1502年加齐人和柏柏尔人在格拉纳达王国的存在到他们在阿尔普贾拉斯战争后被驱逐出境的演变。作者研究了这两个类别的解释和评估如何随着摩里斯科人在16世纪强加给卡斯蒂利亚土地上新皈依人口的其他少数类别的财政平等过程中涉及的不同各方的利益和立场而变化。塞维利亚的Mudejares和gazis不愿缴纳新税,不仅显示出Morisco社区内部存在差异,也显示出该社区与卡斯蒂利亚其他伊斯兰人口之间存在差异,因为每个群体的地理来源不同,被驱逐的格林纳达公民阶层与来自不同来源和社会结构的个人之间存在冲突。
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引用次数: 1
Documentos sobre el papel de los árabes hilālíes en el al-Andalus almohade: traducción y análisis 纸面文件的阿拉伯hilā搞砸了在andalus almohade:翻译和分析
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.014
J. R. D. Río
The arrival of the Hilāli Arabs in the territory of today’s Morocco, called by the Almohad Caliphs, has raised a great controversy among the historians of the Maghreb; their contribution to the army of this empire is also well known since several decades. However, the activities carried out by the Hilāli Arabs in al-Andalus and the uneasy relationships with the local population have not been dealt with to date. The information provided by a collection of chancellery letters will hopefully allow us to study the effects of their presence in south- ern al-Andalus, which was of paramount importance for the decline and the eventual loss of the Almohads’ control over the Iberian Peninsula.
Hilāli阿拉伯人来到今天的摩洛哥领土,这是由阿莫哈德哈里发所称呼的,在马格里布的历史学家中引起了巨大的争论;几十年来,他们对帝国军队的贡献也是众所周知的。但是,Hilāli阿拉伯人在安达卢斯进行的活动以及与当地居民的不稳定关系迄今尚未得到处理。一组总理府信件所提供的信息有望使我们能够研究他们在安达卢斯南部的存在所产生的影响,这对阿莫哈德王朝对伊比利亚半岛的控制的衰落和最终丧失至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
The Toledo Qur’an and Islamic eschatology: translating the names of hell in Aljamiado literature 托莱多古兰经与伊斯兰末世论:阿尔贾米多文学中地狱名称的翻译
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.018
R. Tottoli
The introduction of the Toledo Qur’ān states that the text in the Latin alphabet was copied from an Aljamiado translation. In fact, the translation of terms and expressions relating to hell shows some specific characteristics of Aljamiado literature, such as the privileged use of calques from Arabic and a preference for the term Jahannam, though the most quoted term al-nār (“fuego”) is also attested. These characteristics are more evident when compared to Latin translations prior or contemporaneous to the Toledo Qur’ān. It is clear that in the translation of terms related to hell, these works display greater attention to Latin style and final result thus evidencing another perspective and consequently another audience. The preference given to the term Jahannam is closely linked to the evidence emerging from the Aljamiado eschatological literature, where Jahannam is generally preferred to al-nār / “fuego.” This preference reflects more than specific characteristics of the literature of the Moriscos, an evolution of Muslim literature as a whole, which is reflected in the kind of literary materials circulating and trasmitted. Futher, along with this, Aljamiado literature on hell and also the Toledo Qur’ān reflect similar developments in the late medieval Muslim Arabic literature, and therefore also in eschatological traditions, in which Jahannam emerges strongly as the term used to describe hell in narratives.
托莱多古兰经ān的介绍指出,拉丁字母的文本是从阿尔贾米多的翻译中复制的。事实上,与地狱有关的术语和表达的翻译显示了一些阿尔贾米多文学的特定特征,例如特权地使用来自阿拉伯语的calques和偏爱Jahannam一词,尽管引用最多的术语al-nār(“fuego”)也得到了证实。与托莱多古兰经ān之前或同时代的拉丁文译本相比,这些特征更为明显。很明显,在地狱相关术语的翻译中,这些作品更注重拉丁风格和最终结果,从而证明了另一种视角,从而证明了另一种受众。对Jahannam这个词的偏爱与阿尔贾米多末世论文献中出现的证据密切相关,其中Jahannam通常比al-nār /“fuego”更受欢迎。这种偏好不仅反映了摩里斯科人文学的特定特征,还反映了穆斯林文学的整体演变,这反映在流传和传播的文学材料种类上。更进一步,与此同时,关于地狱的阿尔贾米多文学和托莱多古兰经ān反映了中世纪晚期穆斯林阿拉伯文学的类似发展,因此也反映了末世论的传统,在这些传统中,Jahannam强烈地出现在叙事中,被用来描述地狱。
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引用次数: 0
Introducción. El Corán a comienzos de la Edad Moderna ibérica y más allá 介绍。《古兰经》在伊比利亚现代早期及以后
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.V35.I2.329
Pier Mattia Tommasino
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引用次数: 0
Juan of Segovia’s Translation of the Qur’ān 塞戈维亚的胡安翻译的古兰经ān
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.019
Ulli Roth
John of Segovia (1393-1458) is together with Nicolaus Cusanus one of the most important theologians of the 15 th century. His struggle for peace and consensus during the council of Basel culminated in his engagement for interreligious communication in the last years of his life. After the fall of Constantinople in 1453, he prepared a new approach towards the Islam. Not crusade, but interreligious communication based on thorough knowledge of the religion of the other should result in peace, either through converting the other or at least convincing him to stop warfare. Therefore John of Segovia initiated a new translation of the Qur’ān into Spanish, which he himself translated into Latin. This article outlines the history of this famous project and illustrates its main characteristics with examples taken from fragments of this first polyglot translation of the Qur’ān.
塞戈维亚的约翰(1393-1458)与尼古拉斯·库萨努斯一起是15世纪最重要的神学家之一。在巴塞尔会议期间,他为和平与共识所作的斗争在他生命的最后几年里达到了高潮,他参与了宗教间的交流。1453年君士坦丁堡陷落后,他准备对伊斯兰教采取新的方法。不是十字军东征,而是基于对对方宗教的彻底了解的宗教间交流,通过改变对方的信仰或至少说服对方停止战争,应该带来和平。因此,塞戈维亚的约翰开始将古兰经ān翻译成西班牙语,他自己又将其翻译成拉丁语。本文概述了这一著名项目的历史,并以《古兰经ān》第一次多语言翻译的片段为例说明了它的主要特点。
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引用次数: 6
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