Pub Date : 2014-06-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.010
Michael Lecker
The study of the medieval literary output about Muḥammad’s life should go hand in hand with the study of his history, for which we have rich evidence in a variety of sources. Ibn Isḥāq’s biography of Muḥammad and its epitome by Ibn Hishām were products of their time. A case of self-censorship applied by one of Ibn Isḥāq’s informants and two cases of censorship applied by Ibn Hishām, who omitted many of his predecessor’s materials, contribute to a better understanding of the social and political context of the biography.
{"title":"Notas sobre censura y auto-censura en la biografía del Profeta Muḥammad","authors":"Michael Lecker","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.010","url":null,"abstract":"The study of the medieval literary output about Muḥammad’s life should go hand in hand with the study of his history, for which we have rich evidence in a variety of sources. Ibn Isḥāq’s biography of Muḥammad and its epitome by Ibn Hishām were products of their time. A case of self-censorship applied by one of Ibn Isḥāq’s informants and two cases of censorship applied by Ibn Hishām, who omitted many of his predecessor’s materials, contribute to a better understanding of the social and political context of the biography.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"7 1","pages":"233-254"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73094575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.002
Juan Manuel Barrios Rozúa
Simon de Argote’s Nuevos paseos (1806-1807) is one of the most remarkable works written on the Alhambra. It offers an Enlightenment response to the distortions of the Roman past of Granada of the cleric and Arabist Velazquez de Echeverria. Unfortunately, the work was unfinished because it did not cover all the “Arabian antiques” located outside the Nasrid city. In this article, an unknown chapter about the Generalife and the ruins around is presented, accompanied with critical notes. It was given by the author to King Joseph Bonaparte during his stay in Granada and it was kept among the papers the king had lost at the Battle of Vitoria. The study of the documents found in different archives and publications of that time sheds some light on the mysterious personality of Simon de Argote and deepens in the knowledge of his relationship with General Horace Sebastiani, a military who was embassador in Istanbul and other cities of the Middle East under Napoleon’s order, before he ruled the Kingdom of Granada.
{"title":"El Generalife y las ruinas árabes de sus contornos. Un capítulo inédito de los Nuevos Paseos de Simón de Argote","authors":"Juan Manuel Barrios Rozúa","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.002","url":null,"abstract":"Simon de Argote’s Nuevos paseos (1806-1807) is one of the most remarkable works written on the Alhambra. It offers an Enlightenment response to the distortions of the Roman past of Granada of the cleric and Arabist Velazquez de Echeverria. Unfortunately, the work was unfinished because it did not cover all the “Arabian antiques” located outside the Nasrid city. In this article, an unknown chapter about the Generalife and the ruins around is presented, accompanied with critical notes. It was given by the author to King Joseph Bonaparte during his stay in Granada and it was kept among the papers the king had lost at the Battle of Vitoria. The study of the documents found in different archives and publications of that time sheds some light on the mysterious personality of Simon de Argote and deepens in the knowledge of his relationship with General Horace Sebastiani, a military who was embassador in Istanbul and other cities of the Middle East under Napoleon’s order, before he ruled the Kingdom of Granada.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"34 1","pages":"29-59"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83685847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.003
P. Sénac, S. Gasc, Pierre-Yves Melmoux, Laurent Savarese
The years following the discovery of numerous Islamic stamps in Ruscino have been marked by the exhumation of new remains of the 8ᵗʰ century’s first half in Narbonnaise. Besides new stamps and some dirhams, approximately twenty fulūs have been discovered, essentially in the departments of Aude and Pyrenees Orientales. The localization suggests the existence of military establishments, especially to the south of Narbonne (conquered by Franks in 759), along the Via Domitia that is bordering on Massif des Corbieres.
在鲁西诺发现大量伊斯兰邮票之后的几年里，在纳博内斯发掘出了8世纪上半叶的新遗迹。除了新的邮票和一些迪拉姆外，还发现了大约20个fulūs，主要是在奥德省和东方比利牛斯省。这种定位表明军事设施的存在，特别是在纳博讷南部(759年被法兰克人征服)，沿着与Massif des Corbieres接壤的Via Domitia。
{"title":"Nouveaux vestiges de la présence musulmane en Narbonnaise au VIIIᵉ siècle","authors":"P. Sénac, S. Gasc, Pierre-Yves Melmoux, Laurent Savarese","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.003","url":null,"abstract":"The years following the discovery of numerous Islamic stamps in Ruscino have been marked by the exhumation of new remains of \u0000the 8ᵗʰ century’s first half in Narbonnaise. Besides new stamps and some dirhams, approximately twenty fulūs have been discovered, essentially in the departments of Aude and Pyrenees Orientales. The localization suggests the existence of military establishments, especially to the south of Narbonne (conquered by Franks in 759), along the Via Domitia that is bordering on Massif des Corbieres.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"42 1","pages":"61-94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80590268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.012
Sonja Brentjes
In this paper, I discuss stories about rulers and princes of three dynasties - Abbasid, Norman and Timurid – and their narrative representation as prime knowers of the mathematical sciences, geography and history. I argue that they constitute one set of positive forms of sanctioning or contesting knowledge in those societies by prescribing hierarchies of knowledge forms and hierarchies of people and institutions that decide about the veracity of knowledge. I suggest that these stories share their origin and meaning in an environment of legitimizing propaganda for the various rulers and princes. I also claim that the value and position of scientific knowledge in these stories differ, starting from what apparently were personal interests of a ruler and leading to its integration into what was considered necessary for the education of a prince and the cultured behaviour of a ruler. Hence, these stories about knowledge and rulers present images of knowledge that delineate the status of scholars in those three societies and thus define possibilities and set boundaries for learning and practicing scholarly fields.
{"title":"Sancionar el conocimiento","authors":"Sonja Brentjes","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.012","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I discuss stories about rulers and princes of three dynasties - Abbasid, Norman and Timurid – and their narrative representation \u0000as prime knowers of the mathematical sciences, geography and history. I argue that they constitute one set of positive forms of sanctioning or contesting knowledge in those societies by prescribing hierarchies of knowledge forms and hierarchies of people and institutions that decide about the veracity of knowledge. I suggest that these stories share their origin and meaning in an environment of legitimizing propaganda for the various rulers and princes. I also claim that the value and position of scientific knowledge in these stories differ, starting from what apparently were personal interests of a ruler and leading to its integration into what was considered necessary for the education of a prince and the cultured behaviour of a ruler. Hence, these stories about knowledge and rulers present images of knowledge that delineate the status of scholars in those three societies and thus define possibilities and set boundaries for learning and practicing scholarly fields.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"15 1","pages":"277-309"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81834430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.004
Luis-Gethsemaní Pérez-Aguilar, Enrique Ruiz Prieto, Á. G. Peña, J. Mellado, Gabriel Carvajal Mateos
This paper aims to examine all known documentation for the study of the Muslim hamlet ( al-qarya ) of Sobuerva, cited ocasionally in Medieval and Modern Age sources. Several authors have proposed some hypotheses about the location of this place: Bormujos, Tomares and Guillena. In our paper we try to demonstrate the invalidity of such hypotheses and to offer a new one after the review of a more complete documentation. Basically, our arguments focus on the important documentary sources and the utilization of a Geographical Information System (GIS). The latter responds to the need to understand better the territorial and frontier evolution of a list of current towns of Aljarafe from the Middle Ages to the present, approaching to the available historical and archaeological evidences. The final result leads us to propose the location of the core of the qarya of Sobuerva in the present municipality of Mairena del Aljarafe.
本文旨在研究索布尔瓦穆斯林村庄(al-qarya)的所有已知文献，这些文献偶尔会在中世纪和现代文献中被引用。几位作者对这个地方的位置提出了一些假设:Bormujos, Tomares和Guillena。在我们的论文中，我们试图证明这些假设的无效，并在审查更完整的文件后提供一个新的假设。基本上，我们的论点集中在重要的文献来源和地理信息系统(GIS)的利用。后者回应了更好地了解从中世纪到现在的阿尔贾拉菲城镇列表的领土和边界演变的需要，接近现有的历史和考古证据。最终的结果使我们提出Sobuerva qarya的核心位置在现在的Mairena del Aljarafe市。
{"title":"Sobre la localización geográfica de la qarya andalusí de Sobuerva (Šuburbal) y otras cuestiones","authors":"Luis-Gethsemaní Pérez-Aguilar, Enrique Ruiz Prieto, Á. G. Peña, J. Mellado, Gabriel Carvajal Mateos","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to examine all known documentation for the study of the Muslim hamlet ( al-qarya ) of Sobuerva, cited ocasionally in Medieval and Modern Age sources. Several authors have proposed some hypotheses about the location of this place: Bormujos, Tomares and Guillena. In our paper we try to demonstrate the invalidity of such hypotheses and to offer a new one after the review of a more complete documentation. Basically, our arguments focus on the important documentary sources and the utilization of a Geographical Information System (GIS). The latter responds to the need to understand better the territorial and frontier evolution of a list of current towns of Aljarafe from the Middle Ages to the present, approaching to the available historical and archaeological evidences. The final result leads us to propose the location of the core of the qarya of Sobuerva in the present municipality of Mairena del Aljarafe.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"5 1","pages":"95-125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87592787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.018
D. Rubio
It has been commonplace to employ taqiyya to explain the religious beliefs of the Moriscos and the failure of assimilation. However, in recent years, renowned scholars have questioned this interpretation using three arguments: the absence of the term in Hispanic texts; the lack of legal literature that supports it; and the Sunni beliefs of the Spanish Muslims. The aim of this brief article is to refute some of these sceptical thoughts. For this, I mention several Christian sources of the period that, without using this particular term, suggest that the Moriscos knew about and embraced this doctrine.
{"title":"La taqiyya en las fuentes cristianas: indicios de su presencia entre los moriscos","authors":"D. Rubio","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.018","url":null,"abstract":"It has been commonplace to employ taqiyya to explain the religious beliefs of the Moriscos and the failure of assimilation. However, in recent years, renowned scholars have questioned this interpretation using three arguments: the absence of the term in Hispanic texts; the lack of legal literature that supports it; and the Sunni beliefs of the Spanish Muslims. The aim of this brief article is to refute some of these sceptical thoughts. For this, I mention several Christian sources of the period that, without using this particular term, suggest that the Moriscos knew about and embraced this doctrine.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"5 1","pages":"529-546"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87329371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.016
D. Stewart
This study provides an outline of the religious doctrine of taqiyya or dissimulation in Sunni Islam, drawing on Qur’ānic commentaries, hadīth compilations, legal manuals, and ethical treatises. Moriscos and the North African jurists who advised them had access to discussions of taqiyya and the closely connected legal dispensation of coercion ( ikrāh ) through these sources, many of which were wellknown in al-Andalus before the Reconquista, and some of which continued to be popular afterwards. Attention to this material helps one to interpret the 1504 fatwā of Ibn Abī Jum’a al-Wahrānī to the Moriscos and in particular his discussion of blasphemy under coercion.
{"title":"Dissimulation in Sunni Islam and Morisco Taqiyya","authors":"D. Stewart","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.016","url":null,"abstract":"This study provides an outline of the religious doctrine of taqiyya or dissimulation in Sunni Islam, drawing on Qur’ānic commentaries, hadīth compilations, legal manuals, and ethical treatises. Moriscos and the North African jurists who advised them had access to discussions of taqiyya and the closely connected legal dispensation of coercion ( ikrāh ) through these sources, many of which were wellknown in al-Andalus before the Reconquista, and some of which continued to be popular afterwards. Attention to this material helps one to interpret the 1504 fatwā of Ibn Abī Jum’a al-Wahrānī to the Moriscos and in particular his discussion of blasphemy under coercion.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"35 1","pages":"439-490"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73094461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.010
A. Baadj
This article concerns the conquest of Libya and Tunisia by Saladin (Salah al-Din) and the Ayyubids in the 1170s and 1180s. First it presents a reconstruction of the campaigns conducted by the Ayyubid mamlūks Sharaf al-Dīn Qarāqūsh and Ibn Qarātikīn in Libya and the conflict in Ifrīqiya (Tunisia) between the Almohads and the Ayyubids based on the relevant primary sources. Then the extent to which Saladin was responsible for these military expeditions is considered and finally the issue of the motive behind them is discussed. It is concluded that Salāh al-Dīn and his amirs invaded the Maghrib in order to control the northern termini of the eastern and central axes of the trans-Saharan trade routes, thereby gaining access to the West African gold which passed along these routes. This occurred at a time when there was a great shortage of precious metals in Egypt and Saladin was in need of cash to pay for his wars with the Crusaders in Palestine.
这篇文章是关于萨拉丁(Salah al-Din)和阿尤布王朝在1170年代和1180年代对利比亚和突尼斯的征服。首先，它根据有关的第一手资料，重建了阿尤比德mamlūks Sharaf al- d n Qarāqūsh和伊本Qarātikīn在利比亚进行的战役，以及阿莫哈德家族和阿尤比德家族在伊夫尔奇亚(突尼斯)的冲突。然后考虑了萨拉丁对这些军事远征的负责程度，最后讨论了他们背后的动机问题。结论是Salāh al- d n和他的埃米尔入侵马格里布是为了控制跨撒哈拉贸易路线东轴线和中轴线的北部终点，从而获得沿这些路线运输的西非黄金。这件事发生的时候，埃及的贵金属严重短缺，萨拉丁需要现金来支付他在巴勒斯坦与十字军的战争。
{"title":"Saladin and the Ayyubid Campaigns in the Maghrib","authors":"A. Baadj","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.010","url":null,"abstract":"This article concerns the conquest of Libya and Tunisia by Saladin (Salah al-Din) and the Ayyubids in the 1170s and 1180s. First it presents a reconstruction of the campaigns conducted by the Ayyubid mamlūks Sharaf al-Dīn Qarāqūsh and Ibn Qarātikīn in Libya and the conflict in Ifrīqiya (Tunisia) between the Almohads and the Ayyubids based on the relevant primary sources. Then the extent to which Saladin was responsible for these military expeditions is considered and finally the issue of the motive behind them is discussed. It is concluded that Salāh al-Dīn and his amirs invaded the Maghrib in order to control the northern termini of the eastern and central axes of the trans-Saharan trade routes, thereby gaining access to the West African gold which passed along these routes. This occurred at a time when there was a great shortage of precious metals in Egypt and Saladin was in need of cash to pay for his wars with the Crusaders in Palestine.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"75 1","pages":"267-295"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90437162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.015
Robert Gleave
The Imāmī Shī‛a are particularly associated with the doctrine of dissimulation ( taqiyya ). Generally speaking, Imāmi jurists allowed believers to act in contravention to the (true) Sharī‛a in circumstances of taqiyya . For these permitted transgressions there was no punishment, sinfulness or required repetition or compensation, provided the legal actors stayed within some stipulated boundaries. In the tenth/sixteenth century, the famous Arab jurist ‛Alī al-Karakī introduced an innovation in the Shī‛ī legal rules of taqiyya , devising a large category of taqiyya generated acts for which there may be no sin, but there was still a legal transgression, and hence the possible requirement to repeat or compensate for the acts’ commission. In this article I translate and provide an explanatory commentary on his “Treatise on Dissimulation”, and analyse some of the reactions to it in later Shī‛ī jurisprudence.
Imāmī shi ' a特别与伪装的教义(taqiyya)联系在一起。一般来说，Imāmi法学家允许信徒在taqiyya的情况下违反(真正的)shari ' a。对于这些被允许的违法行为，只要法律行为者保持在某些规定的界限内，就不会受到惩罚、有罪或需要重复或赔偿。在10 / 16世纪，著名的阿拉伯法学家' al ' al- karaki '对shi ' s ' ' taqiyya的法律规则进行了创新，设计了一大类taqiyya产生的行为，这些行为可能没有罪，但仍然存在法律上的违法行为，因此可能需要重复或赔偿这些行为的罪行。本文对他的《伪饰论》进行了翻译和评注，并分析了后世理学对其的一些反应。
{"title":"La eficacia legal de actos de taqiyya en la jurisprudencia imami: al-Risāla fi l-taqiyya de ‛Alī al-Karakī","authors":"Robert Gleave","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.015","url":null,"abstract":"The Imāmī Shī‛a are particularly associated with the doctrine of dissimulation ( taqiyya ). Generally speaking, Imāmi jurists allowed believers to act in contravention to the (true) Sharī‛a in circumstances of taqiyya . For these permitted transgressions there was no punishment, sinfulness or required repetition or compensation, provided the legal actors stayed within some stipulated boundaries. In the tenth/sixteenth century, the famous Arab jurist ‛Alī al-Karakī introduced an innovation in the Shī‛ī legal rules of taqiyya , devising a large category of taqiyya generated acts for which there may be no sin, but there was still a legal transgression, and hence the possible requirement to repeat or compensate for the acts’ commission. In this article I translate and provide an explanatory commentary on his “Treatise on Dissimulation”, and analyse some of the reactions to it in later Shī‛ī jurisprudence.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"14 1","pages":"415-438"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72463431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.017
Luis F. Bernabé-Pons
The claim that Moriscos knew and made use of the Islamic concept of taqiyya has become almost a requirement for all those interested in the circumstances of their lives as cryptomuslims. However, the term is not found in the writings of the Moriscos, although the fatwa of the Mufti of Oran gave them some guidance for practicing their religion within a hostile environment. Without denying that Moriscos came to dissimulation for their own safety, the aim of this paper is, on the one hand, to reconsider the accuracy of the concept of niyya to explain how the Moriscos developed their belief and worship and, on the other hand, to argue that, since the Mudejar period, the Moriscos only did what was the usual practice around them
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