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Algunas observaciónes sobre la traducción de los nombres propios en las traducciónes latinas del Corán de Marcos de Toledo y Robert de Ketton 马科斯·德·托莱多和罗伯特·德·凯顿对《古兰经》拉丁译本中专有名称翻译的一些观察
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.020
Ulisse Cecini
This article presents Robert of Ketton’s (1143) and Mark of Toledo’s (1210) Latin translations of proper names appearing in the Qur’ān. Proper names represent a particular sub-group of words that challenges the translator in his task as a mediator between two cultures. Proper names are in fact tied to the person or the entity to which they belong and cannot, in absolute terms, be translated without losing their characteristic of being “proper.” In the article, the names are divided in different categories and the different methods are explained, that each translator uses to render the names in the translation. Final remarks try to formulate some hypotheses in order to explain the different choices of each translator in the context of their respective Qur’ān translation.
本文介绍了凯顿的罗伯特(1143)和托莱多的马克(1210)对古兰经ān中出现的专有名称的拉丁文翻译。专有名词代表了一种特殊的词语子集,这对作为两种文化之间的调解人的译者提出了挑战。专有名称实际上是与其所属的人或实体联系在一起的,从绝对意义上讲,在翻译时不可能不失去其“专有”的特征。在本文中,将人名分为不同的类别,并解释了每个译者在翻译中使用的不同方法。结束语试图提出一些假设,以解释每个译者在各自的古兰经ān翻译背景下的不同选择。
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引用次数: 2
The Law of Abraham the Catholic: Juan Gabriel as Qur’an Translator for Martín de Figuerola and Egidio da Viterbo 天主教徒亚伯拉罕的法则:胡安·加布里埃尔为Martín de Figuerola和Egidio da Viterbo翻译古兰经
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.015
Mercedes García-Arenal, K. Starczewska
The main aim of this article is to investigate the similarities between the Latin translation of the Qur’ān commissioned by the Italian cardinal Egidio da Viterbo (first version, 1518) and Quranic quotations included in a treatise entitled Lumbre de fe contra el Alcoran (Valencia, 1521) authored by a Catholic preacher, Fray Johan Martin de Figuerola, in order to corroborate the hypothesis that the texts share a common author. The person regarded as the link between them is a convert from Islam to Christianity known as Juan Gabriel from Teruel, formerly Ali Alayzar. The arguments in favour of this thesis are presented, first of all, within a historical description of the circumstances and coincidences of the people involved in the production of the two translation projects; secondly, textual evidence is put forward in which correspondences, similarities and differences are highlighted and discussed. We also consider the similarities to the quotations in Juan Andres’s Confusion o confutacion del Alcoran , drawing attention to a circle of other Christian polemicists around Martin Garcia who were all working in various ways with the Arabic Qur’ān.
本文的主要目的是调查意大利红衣主教Egidio da Viterbo委托翻译的古兰经ān(第一版,1518年)与天主教传教士弗赖·约翰·马丁·德·菲格罗拉(Fray Johan Martin de Figuerola)撰写的题为《伦西亚,1521年》(Lumbre de fe contra el Alcoran)的论文中引用的古兰经引文之间的相似之处,以证实这些文本有共同作者的假设。被认为是他们之间联系的人是一个从伊斯兰教皈依基督教的人,名叫胡安·加布里埃尔,来自特鲁埃尔,原名阿里·阿拉扎尔。支持本论文的论据首先是在对两个翻译项目的生产过程中所涉及的人员的情况和巧合的历史描述中提出的;其次,本文提出了文本证据,并着重分析了二者的对应、异同。我们也考虑了它与胡安·安德烈斯的《混乱》中的引文的相似之处,这引起了人们对马丁·加西亚周围的其他基督教辩论家的注意,他们都以不同的方式研究阿拉伯语的古兰经ān。
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引用次数: 5
Martirio político y censura religiosa en la Sicilia islámica: un caso de la época de Ibrāhīm II (261-289/875-902) 殉难伊斯兰政治和宗教审查西西里岛:一例Ibr划时代āhīm II (261-289/875-902)
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.007
Giuseppe Mandalà
At the end of Sicily’s Islamic period, the Mālikī juridical school was firmly rooted and documented in the island; but like many aspects of the cultural life of the island during the Islamic Age, the historical process that led to this situation is yet to be clarified. The present study aims to contribute by providing a historical context for a passage of the Kitāb al-miḥan, a book of Islamic martyrology written by Abūl-‘Arab Muḥammad al-Tamīmī (d. 333/945), which until now has been overlooked by every study – both old and new – on Islamic Sicily. The works relates how a judge living and working in Sicily, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Ṭā’ī, known as Ibn al-Majjānī, was imprisoned and tortured at the behest of Ibrāhīm II (261-289/875-902), the Aghlabid sovereign who has been of most interest to historians. Other than establishing a plausible date for the event (275/888-889), the article analyses the historical role of places and people, placing the ‘martyrdom’ of Ibn al-Majjānī in the context of the political repression exerted by Ibrāhīm II following the episode of Ibn Ṭālib (d. 275/888-889) and the subsequent religious censorship imposed by the Aghlabid at the expense of the Mālikī elites in Ifrīqiya and, perhaps also, in the nearby wilāya of Sicily.
在西西里岛伊斯兰教时期末期,Mālikī司法学派在岛上扎根并有文献记载;但就像伊斯兰时代岛上文化生活的许多方面一样,导致这种情况的历史进程尚未得到澄清。本研究的目的是为Kitāb al-miḥan的一段文字提供历史背景,这是一本由Abūl- ' Arab Muḥammad al- tam姆(d. 333/945)撰写的关于伊斯兰教西西里岛的伊斯兰教殉道学的书,迄今为止,它一直被每一项研究(无论是旧的还是新的)所忽视。这些作品讲述了一位在西西里岛生活和工作的法官,Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Ṭā ' ' ',即伊本al-Majjānī,是如何在历史学家最感兴趣的Aghlabid君主Ibrāhīm II(261-289/875-902)的命令下被监禁和折磨的。除了确定事件的可信日期(275/888-889)之外,文章分析了地点和人物的历史作用,将伊本al-Majjānī的“殉道”置于伊本Ṭālib事件(275/888-889)之后Ibrāhīm二世施加的政治镇压的背景下,以及随后由Aghlabid以牺牲Mālikī伊夫鲁齐亚精英为代价实施的宗教审查,也许还有附近wilāya的西西里岛。
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引用次数: 1
Dissimulation des opinions politiques sous contrôle: Le cas d’Ibn Ḥazm à Séville 隐匿的政见:如伊本人控制Ḥazm塞维利亚
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.006
Samir Kaddouri
This article tackles a difficult problem involving the biography of Ibn Ḥazm, namely the classical Arab historians have alluded to the fact that al-Mu‛taḍid, king of Seville, had persecuted Ibn Ḥazm and decreed that his books must be burnt. The same historians give no explicit nor accurate details on the political circumstances that led to this tragedy. We have studied and reconstructed the historical context of the events while taking greater advantage of some new facts discovered from our recent study on the textual history of Kitāb al-Faṣl.
这篇文章处理了一个涉及伊本Ḥazm传记的难题,即古典阿拉伯历史学家曾提到塞维利亚国王al-Mu 'taḍid迫害伊本Ḥazm,并下令焚烧他的书。这些历史学家对导致这场悲剧的政治环境没有给出明确而准确的细节。我们研究和重建了这些事件的历史背景,同时更充分地利用了我们最近对Kitāb al-Faṣl文本历史的研究中发现的一些新事实。
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引用次数: 0
Introducción.El control del conocimiento en las sociedades islámicas 介绍。伊斯兰社会对知识的控制
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.V35.I1.318
Maribel Fierro
These are the famous verses with which the Cordoban Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064) reacted to the burning of his books. Samir Kaddouri proposes the dates 455-6/1063-4 as those when this burning could have taken place in Seville and argues that the ruling Taifa king, al-Mu,tadid, allowed it to happen most especially because Ibn Hazm had been as outspoken as usual in attacking the fiction of the false Umayyad caliph Hisham II devised by the Abbadid king to legitimize his rule. As in so AL-QANTARA XXXV 1, enero-junio 2014 pp. 127-134 ISSN 0211-3589 doi: 10.3989/alqantara.2014.005
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引用次数: 1
Purificando el sufismo: observaciones sobre la marginación y exclusión de elementos indeseables y rechazados en el Período medio temprano (finales s. IV/X-mediados s. VII/XIII) 净化苏菲主义:对中观早期(后期IV/ x -中期VII/XIII)不受欢迎和被拒绝元素的边缘化和排斥的观察
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.011
Daphna Ephrat
This article offers observations on the process of differentiation and purification within premodern Sufism during a seminal period in the institutionalization of the Sufi ṭarīqa as a Path to God and as a community of followers. Drawing on manuals and narratives by prominent articulators and representatives of the emerging mainstream Sufi tradition, the article highlights the discursive and actual mechanisms they employed to delineate the borderlines of affiliation with the communities of the genuine Sufis, disentangle the solid-core from lay affiliates, and exclude undesirable elements wrongly associated with Sufism. The construction of higher barriers between mainstream Sufism and its margins is closely tied to the spread of popular forms of Sufism and a new kind of antinomianism that gained popularity in the public sphere, beginning in the late sixth/twelfth century. The final part of the article considers the involvement of the political rulers of the time in the inner dynamics of Sufism. My main conclusion is that by patronizing mainstream Sufis and supporting arbiters of true religion in the public sphere, the ruling elite of military lords in the Arab Near East played a significant role in marginalizing the undesirable and rejected elements and in strengthening the mainstream Sunni camp against its rivals.
这篇文章提供了对前现代苏菲主义的分化和净化过程的观察,在苏菲主义制度化的萌芽时期ṭarīqa作为通往上帝的道路和追随者的社区。这篇文章借鉴了苏非主流传统的杰出表达者和代表的手册和叙述,强调了他们所使用的话语和实际机制,以描绘与真正的苏非社区的隶属关系的界限,将坚实的核心与世俗的附属机构分开,并排除与苏非主义错误联系在一起的不良因素。在主流苏非主义和边缘苏非主义之间建立更高的障碍,与苏非主义流行形式的传播和一种新的反律法主义密切相关,这种反律法主义始于6世纪晚期/ 12世纪,在公共领域流行起来。文章的最后一部分考虑了当时政治统治者对苏菲主义内部动态的参与。我的主要结论是,通过光顾主流苏非派,支持公共领域真正宗教的仲裁者,阿拉伯近东地区军事领主的统治精英在边缘化不受欢迎和被拒绝的元素,以及加强主流逊尼派阵营对抗对手方面发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 1
Rāšid et les Idrissides: l’histoire “originelle” du Maroc entre marginalisation et glorification Rāšid和Idrissides边缘化:原来“摩洛哥”的历史与荣耀
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.001
C. Benchekroun
The dynasty of Idrisids is considered as the first of Morocco’s Islamic history. Nevertheless only the two figures of Idrīs I and Idrīs II are known by the general public and take up the specialists’ attentions. The character of Rāsid is completely left apart by the researchers. And yet he is the one who led future Idrīs I from Mecca to Volubilis, the one who succeeded him as head of the state and who had governed the country for twelve years (three times longer than Idrīs), and finally the one who minted coins with his name. I recently deal with this question in another article: the coins are from Volubilis, but also from the capital of the Rustumides, Tāhirt, that Rāsid certainly conquered. Moreover, he could have founded Fez for the first coins are minted in the city during his regency. All of this leads us to believe that this mysterious figure has played an important role and deserves a bigger place in the history books than he has today.
伊德里斯王朝被认为是摩洛哥伊斯兰历史上的第一个王朝。然而,只有两个数字,Idrīs I和Idrīs II为公众所知,并引起了专家的注意。Rāsid的特征完全被研究者们撇开了。然而,他是那个带领未来的伊德鲁斯一世从麦加到弗鲁比利斯的人,是那个接替他成为国家元首的人,他统治了这个国家12年(比伊德鲁斯长三倍),最后是那个以他的名字铸造硬币的人。我最近在另一篇文章中讨论了这个问题:这些硬币来自于volbilis,但也来自Rustumides的首都Tāhirt, Rāsid当然征服了它。此外,他也可能创立了非斯,因为在他摄政期间,该市铸造了第一批硬币。所有这些都让我们相信,这个神秘的人物曾经扮演过重要的角色,应该在历史书中占据比今天更大的位置。
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引用次数: 3
La pasión prohibida: el libro sobre el martirio por amor de Mugulṭāy y su censura 禁止通行的激情:本关于殉难的缘故Mugulṭā且及其审查
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.008
Monica Balda-Tillier
Al-Wāḍiḥ al-mubīn fī ḏhikr man ustushhida min al-muḥibbīn by Mughulṭāy (d. 762/1361) is the only love treatise whose reading was ever prohibited in the entire history of the genre. The reasons alleged in ancient sources are insufficient or not explicit enough on the reasons why Mughulṭāy’s book was burned in the public square and withdrawn from the book market in 14ᵗʰ-century Cairo. This article consists of an attempt to understand the reasons behind this prohibition.
Al-Wāḍiḥ al- mub n f ā ḏhikr man ustushhida min al-muḥibbīn by Mughulṭāy (d. 762/1361)是整个爱情文学历史上唯一一部被禁止阅读的爱情论文。古代文献中所声称的原因不足以或不够明确地解释Mughulṭāy的书在14世纪开罗的公共广场被焚烧并从图书市场撤出的原因。本文试图理解这一禁令背后的原因。
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引用次数: 0
The Destruction of Books by Traditionists 传统主义者对书籍的毁灭
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.009
C. Melchert
This paper is a survey of the destruction of books particularly by traditionists (collectors, transmitters, and critics of hadith) and particularly in the ninth century CE and before, offered as an addendum to Omar Ali de Unzaga’s forthcoming study of book burning in Islam. The destruction of books from distrust of written transmission has been adequately brought out by Michael Cook. What I chiefly add to previous scholarly accounts are some additional examples, a brief consideration of destroying books for the sake of orthodoxy, and a better account of pious reasons for destroying books, which had much to do with distrust not of writing hadith but of teaching it as a temptation to pride and a distraction from weightier things.
这篇论文是对传统主义者(收集者、传播者和圣训评论家)尤其是公元9世纪及之前的书籍毁灭的调查,作为奥马尔·阿里·德·乌扎加即将出版的关于伊斯兰教焚书的研究的附录。迈克尔·库克(Michael Cook)充分指出了对书面传播的不信任对书籍的破坏。我在先前的学术叙述中主要补充的是一些额外的例子,对为了正统而毁灭书籍的简短考虑,以及对毁灭书籍的虔诚理由的更好描述,这在很大程度上与不信任有关,而不是对写作圣训的不信任,而是对教学的不信任,因为它是一种骄傲的诱惑,分散了人们对更重要的事情的注意力。
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引用次数: 1
De cómo los árabes realmente invadieron Hispania 阿拉伯人是如何入侵西班牙的
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2014-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2014.013
E. Manzano
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引用次数: 3
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