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Suspending Disbelief: Magnetic and Miraculous Levitation from Antiquity to the Middle Ages 悬吊怀疑:从古代到中世纪的磁性和神奇的悬浮
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2016-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2016.35.2.247
Dunstan Lowe
Static levitation is a form of marvel with metaphysical implications whose long history has not previously been charted. First, Pliny the Elder reports an architect’s plan to suspend an iron statue using magnetism, and the later compiler Ampelius mentions a similar-sounding wonder in Syria. When the Serapeum at Alexandria was destroyed, and for many centuries afterwards, chroniclers wrote that an iron Helios had hung magnetically inside. In the Middle Ages, reports of such false miracles multiplied, appearing in Muslim accounts of Christian and Hindu idolatry, as well as Christian descriptions of the tomb of Muhammad. A Christian levitation miracle involving saints’ relics also emerged. Yet magnetic suspension could be represented as miraculous in itself, representing lost higher knowledge, as in the latest and easternmost tradition concerning Konark’s ruined temple. The levitating monument, first found in classical antiquity, has undergone many cultural and epistemological changes in its long and varied history.
静态悬浮是一种神奇的形式,具有形而上学的含义,其悠久的历史以前没有被绘制出来。首先,老普林尼(Pliny the Elder)报告了一位建筑师计划用磁力悬浮一座铁雕像,后来的编译者安培略斯(Ampelius)提到了叙利亚一个听起来类似的奇迹。当亚历山大的塞拉佩翁神庙被摧毁时,以及之后的许多世纪,编年史家写道,一个铁的太阳神悬挂在里面。在中世纪,这种虚假奇迹的报道成倍增加,出现在穆斯林对基督教和印度教偶像崇拜的描述中,以及基督教对穆罕默德坟墓的描述中。还出现了一个涉及圣徒遗物的基督教悬浮奇迹。然而,磁悬浮本身可以被描述为奇迹,代表着丢失的更高的知识,就像关于科纳克神庙废墟的最新和最东方的传统一样。悬浮纪念碑最早发现于古代,在其漫长而多样的历史中经历了许多文化和认识论的变化。
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引用次数: 2
At the Threshold of Representation: Cremation and Cremated Remains in Classical Latin Literature 在再现的门槛上:古典拉丁文学中的火葬和火葬遗存
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2016-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2016.35.1.1
Thomas N. Habinek
This paper considers a set of passages from classical Latin literature of the first century BC and first century AD that indicate awareness of the particular transformations undergone by a human body during the process of open-air cremation. Evidence for the extent of cremation throughout the Roman West is reviewed, as are indications that mourners frequently remained near the pyre throughout the lengthy transformation of the corpse into bone-remnants and ash. In addition, archaeological, ethnographic, and forensic evidence documenting the step-by-step changes undergone by the burning body is introduced. Against this backdrop, numerous passages from authors such as Horace, Vergil, Propertius, Tibullus, Ovid, Seneca, Lucan, Statius, and Suetonius take on new significance. Although authors occasionally cite crematory details as such, they more frequently make use of such details in non-crematory contexts in order to achieve a variety of literary and aesthetic goals, including economy of description, reflection on the circulation of substance, and clarification of the process of ekpyrosis , or cosmic conflagration. For these writers considered as a group cremation serves as an indicator of both the abject nature of the human condition and of its potential sublimity. The calculated displacement of key aspects of the crematory process onto non-crematory events and practices mirrors and extends the liminality associated with crematory rites.
本文考虑了一组来自公元前一世纪和公元一世纪的古典拉丁文学的段落,这些段落表明了人们对露天火葬过程中人体所经历的特殊转变的认识。我们回顾了整个罗马西部地区火葬程度的证据,因为有迹象表明,在尸体变成骨骸和灰烬的漫长过程中,哀悼者经常留在火葬堆附近。此外,考古,人种学和法医证据的逐步变化所经历的燃烧的身体介绍。在这种背景下,贺拉斯、维吉尔、普罗提乌斯、提布洛斯、奥维德、塞内加、卢坎、斯塔提乌斯和苏托尼乌斯等作家的许多段落都具有了新的意义。虽然作者偶尔会引用火化的细节,但他们更频繁地在非火化的语境中使用这些细节,以达到各种文学和美学目的,包括描述的经济性,对物质循环的反思,以及对ekpyrosis或宇宙大火过程的澄清。对于这些作家来说,被认为是一个集体火葬作为人类状况的卑鄙本质和其潜在的崇高性的一个指标。将火化过程的关键方面计算到非火化事件和实践上,反映并扩展了与火化仪式相关的阈限。
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引用次数: 1
Aelius Aristides' Sacred Tales: A Study of the Creation of the “Narrative about Asclepius” 阿利乌斯·阿里斯蒂德的神圣故事:“阿斯克勒庇俄斯叙事”创作研究
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2016-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2016.35.1.126
A. Tagliabue
Aelius Aristides’ Sacred Tales is a complex literary text, and its first book—the diary—puzzles scholars, as it has no parallel in the entire work. This paper offers a justification for this section by arguing for a deliberate contrast between the diary and Books 2–6 of the Sacred Tales, as a result of which the latter section is crafted as a narrative about Asclepius. I will first identify a large series of shifts in the ST: starting with Book 2, change concerns the protagonist, which from Aristides’ abdomen turns to Asclepius, the narrator, dream interpretation, genre, and arrangement of the events. Secondly, I discuss the impact of these shifts upon the readers’ response: while the diary invites the readers to relive the everyday tension between known past and unknown future, the spatial form of Books 2–6 creates the opposite effect, turning the readers’ attention away from the human flow of time towards Asclepius, and leading them to perceive features of his divine time.
阿利乌斯·阿里斯蒂德的《神圣故事集》是一部复杂的文学作品,它的第一本书——日记——让学者们感到困惑,因为它在整部作品中没有类似的作品。这篇论文为这一部分提供了一个理由,认为日记和《神圣故事》的第2-6卷之间有刻意的对比,因此后一部分被精心制作成关于阿斯克勒庇俄斯的叙述。我将首先确定ST中的一系列转变:从第二卷开始,改变与主角有关,从阿里斯蒂德斯的腹部转向阿斯克勒庇俄斯,叙述者,梦的解释,类型和事件的安排。其次,我讨论了这些变化对读者反应的影响:当日记邀请读者重温已知的过去和未知的未来之间的日常紧张时,书2-6的空间形式创造了相反的效果,将读者的注意力从人类的时间流转向阿斯克勒庇俄斯,并引导他们感知他神圣的时间的特征。
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引用次数: 1
The Camenae in Cult, History, and Song 卡梅纳在崇拜、历史和歌曲中的地位
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2016-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2016.35.1.45
A. Hardie
This essay aims to redefine the place of the Camenae within the evolution of Roman carmen . It analyses the documented association of the purifying fons Camenarum with the cult of Vesta and by extension with the salvific prayer- carmina of her virgines ; and it takes the Camenae from the archaic origins of their cult, with reflections on Etruscan and other territorial interests, to their appearance in the epic laudes of men in the third and second centuries BC. The identification of Camenae and Muses, it is argued, pre-dates Livius Andronicus' “Camena,” and is best understood as a component of the Numa-legend as it emerged towards the end of the fourth century. Pythagorean Muse-cult, reflecting the Muses' traditional interest in civic homonoia (concord) and law-making kings, played a part; and an agent of change was the reformist Appius Claudius Caecus, author of the first attested Roman carmen . The wider context lies in the cultural interplay of Rome, Etruria, and Greek southern Italy in the early and middle Republic.
本文旨在重新定义卡门在罗马卡门演变中的地位。它分析了文献记载的净化之泉Camenarum与Vesta崇拜的联系,并延伸到她的处女的救赎祈祷- carmina;它将卡迈纳人从他们崇拜的古老起源,以及对伊特鲁里亚人和其他领土利益的反思,带到了公元前三世纪和二世纪他们在人类史诗赞美诗中的出现。有人认为,卡梅纳和缪斯的身份识别早于利维乌斯·安德洛尼克斯(Livius Andronicus)的《卡梅纳》(Camena),最好被理解为努玛传说的一部分,因为它出现在四世纪末。毕达哥拉斯的缪斯崇拜,反映了缪斯对公民和谐(和谐)和制定法律的国王的传统兴趣,发挥了作用;改革主义者阿皮乌斯·克劳狄乌斯·恺撒是变革的推动者,他是第一部被证实的罗马卡门的作者。更广泛的背景在于罗马、伊特鲁里亚和希腊南部意大利在共和国早期和中期的文化相互作用。
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引用次数: 26
The Use and Abuse of Training “Science” in Philostratus' Gymnasticus 菲洛斯特拉托斯《体操》中训练“科学”的运用与滥用
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2016-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2016.35.1.86
C. Stocking
This article addresses how the sophistic-style analysis in Philostratus9 Gymnasticus gives expression to the physical and social complexities involved in ancient athletic training. As a case in point, the article provides a close reading of Philostratus9 description and criticism of the Tetrad, a four-day sequence of training, which resulted in the death of an Olympic athlete. To make physiological sense of the Tetrad, this method of training is compared to the role of periodization in ancient medicine and modern kinesiology. At the same time, Philostratus9 own critique of the Tetrad is compared to Foucauldian models of discipline and bodily attention. Ultimately, it is argued that the Tetrad fails because it does not incorporate καιρός, a theme common to athletics, medicine, and rhetoric. Overall, therefore, Philostratus9 critique of the Tetrad helps us to appreciate the underrepresented role that γυμναστική occupied in the larger debates on bodily knowledge in antiquity.
本文论述了《体操学》中复杂的文体分析是如何表达古代体育训练中涉及的身体和社会的复杂性的。作为一个恰当的例子,这篇文章仔细阅读了菲洛斯特拉图对四分法的描述和批评,四分法是一种连续四天的训练,导致了一位奥林匹克运动员的死亡。为了使四分体的生理意义,这种训练方法与古代医学和现代运动机能学中的分期作用进行了比较。与此同时,菲洛斯特拉图自己对四人格的批判被比作福柯式的纪律和身体注意力模式。最后,有人认为,四分体之所以失败,是因为它没有纳入竞技、医学和修辞中常见的καιρός主题。因此,总的来说,菲洛斯特拉图斯对四分体的批判帮助我们认识到γ - μναστική在古代关于身体知识的更大辩论中所扮演的未被充分代表的角色。
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引用次数: 1
Spatial regulation of greatwall by Cdk1 and PP2A-Tws in the cell cycle. Cdk1和PP2A-Tws在细胞周期中对大墙的空间调控。
IF 4.3 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15384101.2015.1127476
Peng Wang, Myreille Larouche, Karine Normandin, David Kachaner, Haytham Mehsen, Gregory Emery, Vincent Archambault

Entry into mitosis requires the phosphorylation of multiple substrates by cyclin B-Cdk1, while exit from mitosis requires their dephosphorylation, which depends largely on the phosphatase PP2A in complex with its B55 regulatory subunit (Tws in Drosophila). At mitotic entry, cyclin B-Cdk1 activates the Greatwall kinase, which phosphorylates Endosulfine proteins, thereby activating their ability to inhibit PP2A-B55 competitively. The inhibition of PP2A-B55 at mitotic entry facilitates the accumulation of phosphorylated Cdk1 substrates. The coordination of these enzymes involves major changes in their localization. In interphase, Gwl is nuclear while PP2A-B55 is cytoplasmic. We recently showed that Gwl suddenly relocalizes from the nucleus to the cytoplasm in prophase, before nuclear envelope breakdown and that this controlled localization of Gwl is required for its function. We and others have shown that phosphorylation of Gwl by cyclin B-Cdk1 at multiple sites is required for its nuclear exclusion, but the precise mechanisms remained unclear. In addition, how Gwl returns to its nuclear localization was not explored. Here we show that cyclin B-Cdk1 directly inactivates a Nuclear Localization Signal in the central region of Gwl. This phosphorylation facilitates the cytoplasmic retention of Gwl, which is exported to the cytoplasm in a Crm1-dependent manner. In addition, we show that PP2A-Tws promotes the return of Gwl to its nuclear localization during cytokinesis. Our results indicate that the cyclic changes in Gwl localization at mitotic entry and exit are directly regulated by the antagonistic cyclin B-Cdk1 and PP2A-Tws enzymes.

进入有丝分裂需要细胞周期蛋白 B-Cdk1 对多个底物进行磷酸化,而退出有丝分裂则需要对它们进行去磷酸化,这主要取决于磷酸酶 PP2A 与其 B55 调节亚基(果蝇中为 Tws)的复合。在有丝分裂开始时,细胞周期蛋白 B-Cdk1 激活 Greatwall 激酶,使内硫蛋白磷酸化,从而激活它们竞争性抑制 PP2A-B55 的能力。有丝分裂开始时,PP2A-B55 受到抑制,从而促进了磷酸化 Cdk1 底物的积累。这些酶的协调涉及其定位的重大变化。在间期,Gwl 位于细胞核,而 PP2A-B55 位于细胞质。我们最近发现,Gwl 在核包膜破裂前的前期突然从细胞核重新定位到细胞质,而 Gwl 的这种受控定位是其功能所必需的。我们和其他人已经证明,Gwl被细胞周期蛋白B-Cdk1在多个位点磷酸化是其核排斥所必需的,但其确切机制仍不清楚。此外,Gwl 如何返回其核定位也没有得到探讨。在这里,我们发现细胞周期蛋白 B-Cdk1 直接使 Gwl 中心区域的核定位信号失活。这种磷酸化促进了 Gwl 在细胞质中的保留,并以一种依赖于 Crm1 的方式输出到细胞质中。此外,我们还发现 PP2A-Tws 能促进 Gwl 在细胞分裂过程中返回其核定位。我们的研究结果表明,有丝分裂开始和结束时 Gwl 定位的周期性变化是由拮抗的细胞周期蛋白 B-Cdk1 和 PP2A-Tws 酶直接调控的。
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引用次数: 21
Another Look at Female Choruses in Classical Athens 再看古典雅典的女性合唱
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2015.34.2.252
F. Budelmann, T. Power
This article revisits the issue of female choruses in Classical Athens and aims to provide an alternative to the common pessimistic view that emphasizes the restriction of female choreia by the gender ideology of the democracy. We agree that Athens did not have the kind of female choral culture that is documented for Sparta or Argos, but a review of the evidence suggests that women did dance regularly both in the city itself and elsewhere in Attica, although not at the ideologically most marked occasions such as the City Dionysia. The latter part of the article turns from actual choruses to their representation in textual and iconographic sources. An important reason why modern scholarship sometimes underestimates the extent of female choreia in Athens, we suggest, is that Athenian sources are often purposefully elusive in their representation of female choruses.
本文重新审视了古典雅典的女性合唱问题,旨在为强调女性合唱受到民主性别意识形态限制的普遍悲观观点提供另一种选择。我们同意雅典没有斯巴达或阿尔戈斯记载的那种女性合唱文化,但对证据的回顾表明,女性确实在城市本身和阿提卡的其他地方定期跳舞,尽管不是在意识形态最显著的场合,如城市酒神节。文章的后半部分从实际的合唱转向他们在文本和图像来源中的表现。我们认为,现代学者有时低估了雅典女性舞蹈的程度,一个重要原因是,雅典的资料在描述女性合唱时往往故意难以捉摸。
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引用次数: 23
Alexander, “Whose Courage Was Great”: Cult, Power, and Commemoration in Classical and Hellenistic Thessaly 亚历山大:《谁的勇气是伟大的》:古典和希腊化色萨利的崇拜、权力和纪念
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2015.34.2.209
R. Boehm
An epitaph dating to ca. 217 BCE for Antigenes, a fallen soldier from Demetrias, refers to the tomb of Alexander, “whose courage was great.” This article first provides a reading of the epigram as a document that reflects a compressed civic and cultic map of a recent Hellenistic city foundation and grounds Antigenes’ heroic death in the wider ritual landscape of his patris . It then argues for the identification of one point of reference, the tomb of Alexander, with the infamous tyrant of Thessaly, Alexander of Pherai, and for the continued presence of a heroic cult of Alexander in the “new” polis of Demetrias. The commemorative dynamic at work in the epitaph provides insight into contemporary views of fourth-century tyranny, calling the traditional portrait of Alexander into question, and helps to reconstruct the Hellenistic reception of the recent past among civic bodies and individuals operating under dramatically changed political circumstances.
公元前217年,德米特里亚斯的一名阵亡士兵安提奇尼斯的墓志铭提到了亚历山大的坟墓,“他的勇气很大”。本文首先将这首警句解读为一份文件,它反映了一个最近希腊化城市基础的压缩公民和宗教地图,并将安提奇尼斯的英雄之死置于他父亲更广泛的仪式景观中。然后,它论证了一个参考点,即亚历山大的坟墓,与色萨利臭名昭著的暴君,费莱的亚历山大,以及亚历山大的英雄崇拜在“新”德米特里亚斯城邦的持续存在。墓志铭中的纪念动态提供了对四世纪暴政的当代观点的洞察,对亚历山大的传统肖像提出了质疑,并有助于重建最近在急剧变化的政治环境下运作的公民机构和个人对希腊化的接受。
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引用次数: 3
SACER, SACROSANCTUS, and LEGES SACRATAE SACER、SACROSANCTUS和腿SACRATAE
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2015.34.2.322
G. Pellam
This paper offers a challenge to the conventional view of the lex sacrata which the Romans believed to have accompanied the establishment of the plebeian tribunate. According to most scholars, the lex sacrata was not technically a lex (law), but was rather an oath sworn by the plebs, enjoining them to protect the persons of the tribunes and to punish with death anyone who should harm the holders of this office. Originally it was only this oath that gave the tribunes their power, which developed into a true office of the Roman state only gradually. This interpretation serves as one of the major props in the widely-held interpretation of the early Roman Republic as being characterized by a “struggle of the orders” in which the plebeians formed a revolutionary “state within the state,” separate and distinct from the legitimate state, which was controlled by the patricians. By reexamining the sources for the traditional interpretation of the lex sacrata , this paper shows that all of the evidence suggests that the lex sacrata which guaranteed the inviolability of the plebeian tribunes was, in fact, a law of the Roman community, and that there is little if any support for the “oath” interpretation. With this understanding, a major prop in the communis opinio about the early Republic is undermined. Finally, the paper offers an alternative hypothesis for the role of leges sacratae in the development of the Republic.
这篇论文对罗马人认为伴随平民保民制度的建立而来的传统观点提出了挑战。根据大多数学者的说法,从技术上讲,sacrata不是lex(法律),而是由平民宣誓,要求他们保护保民官的人,并对任何伤害保民官的人处以死刑。最初,保民官的权力只是由这个誓言赋予的,后来才逐渐发展成为罗马国家的一个真正的官职。这种解释是早期罗马共和国被广泛接受的解释的主要支柱之一,其特征是“秩序斗争”,平民在其中形成了一个革命的“国中之国”,与由贵族控制的合法国家分开并截然不同。本文通过重新审视对圣法的传统解释的来源,表明所有的证据都表明,保证平民保民官不可侵犯的圣法实际上是罗马社会的法律,并且几乎没有任何支持“誓言”解释的证据。有了这样的认识,共产主义者关于共和国早期的观点的一个主要支柱就被削弱了。最后,本文提出了另一种假说来解释骶骨腿在共和国发展中的作用。
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引用次数: 6
Finding Examples at Home: Cato, Curius Dentatus, and the Origins of Roman Literary Exemplarity 在家里寻找例子:卡托、库利乌斯·登图斯和罗马文学范例的起源
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2015.34.2.296
M. Pasco-Pranger
This article explores the early history of Roman exemplary literature through the case study of the elder Cato’s account of his imitation of the parsimony and self-sufficiency of M’. Curius Dentatus. I reconstruct from Cicero, Plutarch, and other sources a Catonian prose text that unified the exemplary narrative of Curius’ refusal of a bribe from Samnite emissaries with an evocative location at the hearth of a humble Sabine farmstead, an approving “audience” in Cato himself, and a model for the replication of Curius’ virtue. The narrative itself served as the monumentum for the exemplum, and its details are often evoked in place of the exemplary deed itself. I argue that this narrative is both a very early instance of exemplary literature and a self-conscious reflection on the power of literature to transcend temporal and spatial limitations and to extend cultural models for the familial replication of elite virtues to a broader audience.
本文通过对老卡托的案例研究,探讨了罗马典范文学的早期历史,他模仿了M ' '的节俭和自给自足。Curius Dentatus。我从西塞罗、普鲁塔克和其他资料中重建了一篇卡托尼亚的散文文本,它将库里乌斯拒绝萨姆奈使者贿赂的典范叙事与一个令人难忘的地点结合起来,在一个卑微的萨宾农场的壁炉旁,卡托本人是一个赞成的“听众”,也是库里乌斯美德的复制模型。叙事本身就是典范的纪念碑,它的细节经常被唤起,而不是模范行为本身。我认为,这种叙述既是典范文学的早期实例,也是对文学力量的自觉反思,它超越了时间和空间的限制,并将精英美德的家族复制文化模式扩展到更广泛的受众。
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引用次数: 8
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