Pub Date : 2022-02-04DOI: 10.1177/10892680211066468
Annette Mülberger
For many researchers, replication is still the “gold standard” that is crucial for verifying scientific findings (see, for example, Frank & Saxe, 2012; Iso-Ahola, 2020; Witte & Zenker, 2017). Indeed, Crandall and Sherman (2016) declared that: “[t]here is no controversy over the need for replication; virtually all scientists and philosophers of science endorse the notion that replication of one sort or another is absolutely essential” (p. 94). In recent decades, this has led to widespread concern because few experimental findings are actually being confirmed in this way (see, for example, Pashler & Wagenmakers, 2012; Reproducibility Project: Psychology; Wiggins & Chrisopherson, 2019). Before it is possible to plan how to remedy this situation, the reasons for the lack of replications must be identified. “Questionable research practices” such as p-hacking or post-hoc hypothesizing, the “file-drawer problem,” are often cited as contributing to the problem (Romero, 2019; Wiggins & Chrisopherson, 2019). These research practices are firmly embeddedwithin a scientific culture that is characterized by a highly competitive academic environment and a reward system that dissuades rather than encouraging replication (Crandall & Sherman, 2016; Romero, 2019). This setting fosters personal ambition, urging researchers to come up with innovative and ambitious projects continually and to publish as many papers as possible. Meanwhile, most journals only publish reports of original research offering statistically significant results, which has led to a “publication bias” (Romero, 2017). Replicability problems, as Pashler and Wagenmakers (2012) stated, “reflect deep-seated human biases and well entrenched incentives that shape the behavior of individuals and institutions” (p. 529). Fraud cases, such as that involving Diederik Stapel, show just how far a person might be willing to go when succumbing to such pressures (Stroebe, Postmes, & Spears, 2012; Derksen, 2021). Whether replication is really necessary and whether the problematic research practices mentioned above are due more to the present reward system, general human biases or an incorrect statistical or philosophical understanding are still open questions (Feest, 2019; Flis, 2019; Morawski, 2019). Given such uncertainties, it seems interesting to explore how research was undertaken in the past, when the current institutional conditions did not pertain—or at least, not yet fully. Stated differently: If the current replicability problem is related to recent research practices that have appeared as part of academic life in times of neoliberal capitalism and “big science,” then we might assume that replication worked differently in the past. Thus, in the present paper, I adopt a historical stance to reveal characteristics of nineteenth-century psychology experimental research practices and to describe the way research was replicated. The original experiments I present in this paper are well known, dating from 186
{"title":"Early Experimental Psychology: How did Replication Work Before P-Hacking?","authors":"Annette Mülberger","doi":"10.1177/10892680211066468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211066468","url":null,"abstract":"For many researchers, replication is still the “gold standard” that is crucial for verifying scientific findings (see, for example, Frank & Saxe, 2012; Iso-Ahola, 2020; Witte & Zenker, 2017). Indeed, Crandall and Sherman (2016) declared that: “[t]here is no controversy over the need for replication; virtually all scientists and philosophers of science endorse the notion that replication of one sort or another is absolutely essential” (p. 94). In recent decades, this has led to widespread concern because few experimental findings are actually being confirmed in this way (see, for example, Pashler & Wagenmakers, 2012; Reproducibility Project: Psychology; Wiggins & Chrisopherson, 2019). Before it is possible to plan how to remedy this situation, the reasons for the lack of replications must be identified. “Questionable research practices” such as p-hacking or post-hoc hypothesizing, the “file-drawer problem,” are often cited as contributing to the problem (Romero, 2019; Wiggins & Chrisopherson, 2019). These research practices are firmly embeddedwithin a scientific culture that is characterized by a highly competitive academic environment and a reward system that dissuades rather than encouraging replication (Crandall & Sherman, 2016; Romero, 2019). This setting fosters personal ambition, urging researchers to come up with innovative and ambitious projects continually and to publish as many papers as possible. Meanwhile, most journals only publish reports of original research offering statistically significant results, which has led to a “publication bias” (Romero, 2017). Replicability problems, as Pashler and Wagenmakers (2012) stated, “reflect deep-seated human biases and well entrenched incentives that shape the behavior of individuals and institutions” (p. 529). Fraud cases, such as that involving Diederik Stapel, show just how far a person might be willing to go when succumbing to such pressures (Stroebe, Postmes, & Spears, 2012; Derksen, 2021). Whether replication is really necessary and whether the problematic research practices mentioned above are due more to the present reward system, general human biases or an incorrect statistical or philosophical understanding are still open questions (Feest, 2019; Flis, 2019; Morawski, 2019). Given such uncertainties, it seems interesting to explore how research was undertaken in the past, when the current institutional conditions did not pertain—or at least, not yet fully. Stated differently: If the current replicability problem is related to recent research practices that have appeared as part of academic life in times of neoliberal capitalism and “big science,” then we might assume that replication worked differently in the past. Thus, in the present paper, I adopt a historical stance to reveal characteristics of nineteenth-century psychology experimental research practices and to describe the way research was replicated. The original experiments I present in this paper are well known, dating from 186","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"26 1","pages":"131 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49527067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-31DOI: 10.1177/10892680211064293
J. Benjafield
The vocabulary of anglophone psychology largely developed during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The creators of this vocabulary include such well-known names as William James, Joan Riviere, E. L. Thorndike, and James Strachey. Along with others, they invented many new words and word meanings for psychology. The more a psychologist responded to the need for new vocabulary the more likely were they to be mentioned in publications. Moreover, linguistically creative psychologists occurred together in publications to a greater extent than less linguistically creative psychologists, with William James having the most co-occurrences. A network is presented that links each member of a sample of 59 linguistically creative psychologists to the other member of the sample with whom they most frequently co-occur (e.g., E. L. Thorndike co-occurs most frequently with William James). For each pair, we provide brief descriptions of their similarities and/or differences. There is also a cluster of translators who created new English words and word meanings in order to capture the meanings of words in other languages that had no satisfactory equivalents in English. Generally speaking, the more success psychologists have had in filling the lacunae in psychology’s vocabulary, the more they have been recognized by others.
{"title":"Creators of the Vocabulary of Anglophone Psychology and Their Relationships","authors":"J. Benjafield","doi":"10.1177/10892680211064293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211064293","url":null,"abstract":"The vocabulary of anglophone psychology largely developed during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The creators of this vocabulary include such well-known names as William James, Joan Riviere, E. L. Thorndike, and James Strachey. Along with others, they invented many new words and word meanings for psychology. The more a psychologist responded to the need for new vocabulary the more likely were they to be mentioned in publications. Moreover, linguistically creative psychologists occurred together in publications to a greater extent than less linguistically creative psychologists, with William James having the most co-occurrences. A network is presented that links each member of a sample of 59 linguistically creative psychologists to the other member of the sample with whom they most frequently co-occur (e.g., E. L. Thorndike co-occurs most frequently with William James). For each pair, we provide brief descriptions of their similarities and/or differences. There is also a cluster of translators who created new English words and word meanings in order to capture the meanings of words in other languages that had no satisfactory equivalents in English. Generally speaking, the more success psychologists have had in filling the lacunae in psychology’s vocabulary, the more they have been recognized by others.","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"26 1","pages":"104 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48452212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-21DOI: 10.1177/10892680211066466
I. Flis
The recent reform debates in psychological science, prompted by a widespread crisis of confidence, have exposed and destabilized the so-called myth of self-correction, that is, the problem that most scientists perceive their disciplines as self-correcting without engaging in actual practices that correct the scientific record. In this paper, building on the idea of self-correction as a myth, I propose another myth common to psychological science: the myth of self-organization. The myth of self-organization is the idea that scientific literature will organize itself into something the community adding to it would recognize as systematic knowledge; while the actual members of those communities do not engage in effective ways of organizing it. I argue for the existence of the myth self-organization by taking a historical look at how the scientific literature was construed by psychologists during the 20th century. In my view, the literature, and behaviors of scientists related to it, becomes a social institution exerting influence over the science it belongs to. I conclude with a critical discussion of self-organization through the debates about preregistration and theory formalization in psychology’s reform movement.
{"title":"The Function of Literature in Psychological Science","authors":"I. Flis","doi":"10.1177/10892680211066466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211066466","url":null,"abstract":"The recent reform debates in psychological science, prompted by a widespread crisis of confidence, have exposed and destabilized the so-called myth of self-correction, that is, the problem that most scientists perceive their disciplines as self-correcting without engaging in actual practices that correct the scientific record. In this paper, building on the idea of self-correction as a myth, I propose another myth common to psychological science: the myth of self-organization. The myth of self-organization is the idea that scientific literature will organize itself into something the community adding to it would recognize as systematic knowledge; while the actual members of those communities do not engage in effective ways of organizing it. I argue for the existence of the myth self-organization by taking a historical look at how the scientific literature was construed by psychologists during the 20th century. In my view, the literature, and behaviors of scientists related to it, becomes a social institution exerting influence over the science it belongs to. I conclude with a critical discussion of self-organization through the debates about preregistration and theory formalization in psychology’s reform movement.","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"26 1","pages":"146 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41627468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.1177/10892680211066473
Nandita Chaudhary, G. Misra, P. Bansal, J. Valsiner, Tushar Singh
In this article, we examine the place of culture in the human sciences with specific reference to psychology and the cultural histories of India. Despite the depth of scholarly writing on the intimate and inextricable ties between culture and psychological processes, core advancements and definitive positions in psychology have remained elusive. The privileging of a single culturally specific world-view alongside the exclusion of others has seriously hindered the authentic internationalization of psychology. We propose that linkages between culture and psychology need to be visualized as a dialogue between different cultural traditions. In the dialectics between bheda–abheda (difference and non-difference), structural-developmental, dispositional-relational, and social-collective processes will be invoked to develop our arguments for a human-science approach to the study of persons in culture. We argue that it is through the inclusion, rather than suppression, of diverse ideologies that generalizability can be best achieved. This is a call for an audit and reconstruction of psychology and its practices as an international discipline with a roadmap for theory construction and research informed by a cultural psychological approach toward human phenomena.
{"title":"Making Sense of Culture for the Psychological Sciences","authors":"Nandita Chaudhary, G. Misra, P. Bansal, J. Valsiner, Tushar Singh","doi":"10.1177/10892680211066473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211066473","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we examine the place of culture in the human sciences with specific reference to psychology and the cultural histories of India. Despite the depth of scholarly writing on the intimate and inextricable ties between culture and psychological processes, core advancements and definitive positions in psychology have remained elusive. The privileging of a single culturally specific world-view alongside the exclusion of others has seriously hindered the authentic internationalization of psychology. We propose that linkages between culture and psychology need to be visualized as a dialogue between different cultural traditions. In the dialectics between bheda–abheda (difference and non-difference), structural-developmental, dispositional-relational, and social-collective processes will be invoked to develop our arguments for a human-science approach to the study of persons in culture. We argue that it is through the inclusion, rather than suppression, of diverse ideologies that generalizability can be best achieved. This is a call for an audit and reconstruction of psychology and its practices as an international discipline with a roadmap for theory construction and research informed by a cultural psychological approach toward human phenomena.","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"26 1","pages":"399 - 415"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42166996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-19DOI: 10.1177/10892680211065169
Ana Luiza de França Sá, Giuseppina Marsico
The challenges faced by science in the international communication process range from the choice of philosophical and epistemological assumptions used in scientific research to the choice of participants who comprise the sample of the studies produced. There is, in the hierarchy of scientific production, Westernized trends of theoretical assumptions that predominate. The challenge of producing and communicating scientific knowledge is now guided by a review that geographically and philosophically shifts the Western prominent place. The purpose of this article is use a decolonial perspective to theoretically problematize scientific practice and the process of publishing its results. It criticizes the assembly line in which psychology ends, especially in the publication of results as a condition for the constitution of scientific communities. The scientific community can assist in the dissemination of a certain theory, but it can also constitute an obstacle to new ideas. It points to decoloniality as an alternative path as a possibility of breaking with the production-line logic of publications. By presenting the example of González Rey’s theory of subjectivity, it advocates the history-education-time tripod as necessary elements to address contemporary crises studied by psychology. The article demonstrates the possibility of rupture with the market-related scientific status quo.
{"title":"Decoloniality and Disruption of the Scientific Status Quo: Dissemination of Universal Theoretical Assumptions in International Research","authors":"Ana Luiza de França Sá, Giuseppina Marsico","doi":"10.1177/10892680211065169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211065169","url":null,"abstract":"The challenges faced by science in the international communication process range from the choice of philosophical and epistemological assumptions used in scientific research to the choice of participants who comprise the sample of the studies produced. There is, in the hierarchy of scientific production, Westernized trends of theoretical assumptions that predominate. The challenge of producing and communicating scientific knowledge is now guided by a review that geographically and philosophically shifts the Western prominent place. The purpose of this article is use a decolonial perspective to theoretically problematize scientific practice and the process of publishing its results. It criticizes the assembly line in which psychology ends, especially in the publication of results as a condition for the constitution of scientific communities. The scientific community can assist in the dissemination of a certain theory, but it can also constitute an obstacle to new ideas. It points to decoloniality as an alternative path as a possibility of breaking with the production-line logic of publications. By presenting the example of González Rey’s theory of subjectivity, it advocates the history-education-time tripod as necessary elements to address contemporary crises studied by psychology. The article demonstrates the possibility of rupture with the market-related scientific status quo.","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"26 1","pages":"416 - 425"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41539874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-04DOI: 10.1177/10892680211017521
Jeremy Trevelyan Burman
What does a name mean in translation? Quine argued, famously, that the meaning of gavagai is indeterminate until you learn the language that uses that word to refer to its object. The case is similar with scientific texts, especially if they are older; historical. Because the meanings of terms can drift over time, so too can the meanings that inform experiments and theory. As can a life’s body of work and its contributions. Surely, these are also the meanings of a name; shortcuts to descriptions of the author who produced them, or of their thought (or maybe their collaborations). We are then led to wonder whether the names of scientists may also mean different things in different languages. Or even in the same language. This problem is examined here by leveraging the insights of historians of psychology who found that the meaning of “Wundt” changed in translation: his experimentalism was retained, and his Völkerpsychologie lost, so that what Wundt meant was altered even as his work—and his name—informed the disciplining of Modern Psychology as an experimental science. Those insights are then turned here into a general argument, regarding meaning-change in translation, but using a quantitative examination of the translations of Piaget’s books from French into English and German. It is therefore Piaget who has the focus here, evidentially, but the goal is broader: understanding and theorizing “the mistaken mirror” that reflects only what you can think to see (with implications for replication and institutional memory).
{"title":"Meaning-Change Through the Mistaken Mirror: On the Indeterminacy of “Wundt” and “Piaget” in Translation","authors":"Jeremy Trevelyan Burman","doi":"10.1177/10892680211017521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211017521","url":null,"abstract":"<p>What does <i>a name</i> mean in translation? Quine argued, famously, that the meaning of <i>gavagai</i> is indeterminate until you learn the language that uses that word to refer to its object. The case is similar with scientific texts, especially if they are older; historical. Because the meanings of terms can drift over time, so too can the meanings that inform experiments and theory. As can a life’s <i>body of work</i> and its contributions. Surely, these are also the meanings of a name; shortcuts to descriptions of the author who produced them, or of their thought (or maybe their collaborations). We are then led to wonder whether the names <i>of scientists</i> may also mean different things in different languages. Or even in the same language. This problem is examined here by leveraging the insights of historians of psychology who found that the meaning of “Wundt” changed in translation: his experimentalism was retained, and his <i>Völkerpsychologie</i> lost, so that <i>what Wundt meant</i> was altered even as his work—and his name—informed the disciplining of Modern Psychology as an experimental science. Those insights are then turned here into a general argument, regarding meaning-change in translation, but using a quantitative examination of the translations of Piaget’s books from French into English and German. It is therefore Piaget who has the focus here, evidentially, but the goal is broader: understanding and theorizing “the mistaken mirror” that reflects only what you can think to see (with implications for replication and institutional memory).</p>","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"35 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138512545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-09DOI: 10.1177/10892680211061262
M. Killen, Katherine V Luken Raz, S. Graham
Around the globe, individuals are affected by exclusion, discrimination, and prejudice targeting individuals from racial, ethnic, and immigrant backgrounds as well as crimes based on gender, nationality, and culture (United Nations General Assembly, 2016). Unfortunately, children are often the targeted victims (Costello & Dillard, 2019). What is not widely understood is that the intergroup biases underlying systemic racism start long before adulthood with children displaying notable signs of intergroup bias, sometimes before entering grade school. Intergroup bias refers to the tendency to evaluate members of one’s own group more favorably than someone not identified with one’s group and is typically associated with prejudicial attitudes. Children are both the victims and the perpetrators of bias. In this review, we provide evidence of how biases emerge in childhood, along with an analysis of the significant role of intergroup friendships on enhancing children’s well-being and reducing prejudice in childhood. The review focuses predominantly on the context of race, with the inclusion of several other categories, such as nationality and religion. Fostering positive cross-group friendships in childhood helps to address the negative long-term consequences of racism, discrimination, and prejudice that emerges in childhood and continues through to adulthood.
{"title":"Reducing Prejudice Through Promoting Cross-Group Friendships","authors":"M. Killen, Katherine V Luken Raz, S. Graham","doi":"10.1177/10892680211061262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211061262","url":null,"abstract":"Around the globe, individuals are affected by exclusion, discrimination, and prejudice targeting individuals from racial, ethnic, and immigrant backgrounds as well as crimes based on gender, nationality, and culture (United Nations General Assembly, 2016). Unfortunately, children are often the targeted victims (Costello & Dillard, 2019). What is not widely understood is that the intergroup biases underlying systemic racism start long before adulthood with children displaying notable signs of intergroup bias, sometimes before entering grade school. Intergroup bias refers to the tendency to evaluate members of one’s own group more favorably than someone not identified with one’s group and is typically associated with prejudicial attitudes. Children are both the victims and the perpetrators of bias. In this review, we provide evidence of how biases emerge in childhood, along with an analysis of the significant role of intergroup friendships on enhancing children’s well-being and reducing prejudice in childhood. The review focuses predominantly on the context of race, with the inclusion of several other categories, such as nationality and religion. Fostering positive cross-group friendships in childhood helps to address the negative long-term consequences of racism, discrimination, and prejudice that emerges in childhood and continues through to adulthood.","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"26 1","pages":"361 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49504039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-08DOI: 10.1177/10892680211056321
Ana Urbiola, C. McGarty, Rui Costa-Lopes
Social psychology’s search for ways to address intergroup inequality has grappled with two approaches that have been considered incompatible: (a) the prejudice reduction approach, that argues that changing individual negative attitudes will undermine the basis for discrimination and lead to intergroup harmony; and (b) the collective action approach, that argues that social protest and activism can improve the position of disadvantaged groups. The problem is that efforts toward prejudice reduction may serve to suppress genuine efforts to change. We propose the Achieving Multicultural Integration of Groups Across Society (AMIGAS) model, in which a multicultural commitment is proposed as a driver of both improved intergroup evaluations and promotion of collective action for reduced inequality, especially in contexts where there are conditions for a respectful intercultural dialogue. The AMIGAS model is a theoretical advance in the field of intergroup relations and a basis for implementing effective egalitarian policies and practices.
{"title":"The AMIGAS Model: Reconciling Prejudice Reduction and Collective Action Approaches Through a Multicultural Commitment in Intergroup Relations","authors":"Ana Urbiola, C. McGarty, Rui Costa-Lopes","doi":"10.1177/10892680211056321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211056321","url":null,"abstract":"Social psychology’s search for ways to address intergroup inequality has grappled with two approaches that have been considered incompatible: (a) the prejudice reduction approach, that argues that changing individual negative attitudes will undermine the basis for discrimination and lead to intergroup harmony; and (b) the collective action approach, that argues that social protest and activism can improve the position of disadvantaged groups. The problem is that efforts toward prejudice reduction may serve to suppress genuine efforts to change. We propose the Achieving Multicultural Integration of Groups Across Society (AMIGAS) model, in which a multicultural commitment is proposed as a driver of both improved intergroup evaluations and promotion of collective action for reduced inequality, especially in contexts where there are conditions for a respectful intercultural dialogue. The AMIGAS model is a theoretical advance in the field of intergroup relations and a basis for implementing effective egalitarian policies and practices.","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"26 1","pages":"68 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44853538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-07DOI: 10.1177/10892680211056314
A. Beelmann, Sebastian Lutterbach
This article reviews conceptual and empirical issues on the developmental prevention of prejudice in childhood and adolescence. Developmental prejudice prevention is defined as interventions that intentionally change and promote intergroup attitudes and behavior by systematically recognizing theories and empirical results on the development of prejudice in young people. After presenting a general conception of designing evidence-based interventions, we will discuss the application of this model in the field of developmental prejudice prevention. This includes the legitimation, a developmental concept of change, and the derivation of intervention content and implementation. Finally, we summarized recent evaluations results by reviewing meta-analytical evidence of programs and discuss important issues of future research and practice.
{"title":"Developmental Prevention of Prejudice: Conceptual Issues, Evidence-Based Designing, and Outcome Results","authors":"A. Beelmann, Sebastian Lutterbach","doi":"10.1177/10892680211056314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10892680211056314","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews conceptual and empirical issues on the developmental prevention of prejudice in childhood and adolescence. Developmental prejudice prevention is defined as interventions that intentionally change and promote intergroup attitudes and behavior by systematically recognizing theories and empirical results on the development of prejudice in young people. After presenting a general conception of designing evidence-based interventions, we will discuss the application of this model in the field of developmental prejudice prevention. This includes the legitimation, a developmental concept of change, and the derivation of intervention content and implementation. Finally, we summarized recent evaluations results by reviewing meta-analytical evidence of programs and discuss important issues of future research and practice.","PeriodicalId":48306,"journal":{"name":"Review of General Psychology","volume":"26 1","pages":"298 - 316"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48298423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1177/10892680211056318
Deborah Rivas‐Drake, Bernardette J. Pinetta, Linda P. Juang, Abunya C. Agi
How youth come to understand their social identities and their relation to others’ identities can have important implications for the future of our society. In this article, we focus on how ethnic-racial identities (ERI) can serve to promote (or hinder) collective well-being. We first describe the nature of change in ethnic-racial identities over the course of childhood and adolescence. We then delineate three pathways by which youths’ ERI can be a mechanism for productive intergroup relations and thereby collective well-being as a: (a) basis for understanding differences and finding commonalities across groups; (b) promotive and protective resource for marginalized youth; and (c) springboard for recognizing and disrupting marginalization. This article concludes with how youths’ ERI can be nurtured into a source of resilience and resistance in the face of racism and xenophobia. Moreover, we urge researchers to consider the role ERI plays in guiding youth to challenge and resist marginalization.
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