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Is energy poverty characterized by a gender and migration bias? Microdata evidence from the Netherlands 能源贫困是否以性别和移民偏见为特征?来自荷兰的微数据证据
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104502
Lisanne Visseren , Anika Batenburg , Francesco Dalla Longa , Peter Mulder
We assess the increasingly prevalent assertion that energy poverty in high-income countries disproportionately affects women and households with a migration background. Much of the existing evidence supporting this claim is non-causal and often fails to disentangle the effects of income. To address these limitations, we apply both descriptive statistical methods and a two-stage logistic regression analysis to comprehensive, high-quality administrative microdata covering nearly 90 % of Dutch households. We examine how gender, migration background, income, and housing characteristics interact to shape energy poverty outcomes. Our key finding is that what initially appears as a gender or migration bias in energy poverty statistics is, in fact, primarily a reflection of income disparities across these demographic groups. Beyond income, our results also highlight the importance of spatial, institutional, and behavioral factors in shaping vulnerability. In particular, we find that the relatively high energy quality of social housing in the Netherlands mitigates the risk that women and migrants—despite a gender and migration pay gap—end up in energy poverty. We also identify differences in energy poverty subtypes: women are more exposed to combinedenergy poverty (energy-inefficient housing and high energy costs), while men are more likely to exhibit hidden energy poverty (energy-inefficient housing but low energy costs). These findings underscore the importance of addressing structural inequalities in income and housing beyond the energy domain when designing effective policies to reduce energy poverty. A just and inclusive energy transition will therefore depend on addressing the broader socio-economic and institutional conditions that underlie energy poverty.
我们评估了一种日益流行的说法,即高收入国家的能源贫困对具有移民背景的妇女和家庭的影响尤为严重。支持这种说法的现有证据大多是非因果关系,而且往往无法理清收入的影响。为了解决这些限制,我们将描述性统计方法和两阶段逻辑回归分析应用于涵盖近90%荷兰家庭的全面,高质量的行政微观数据。我们研究了性别、移民背景、收入和住房特征如何相互作用,形成能源贫困的结果。我们的主要发现是,能源贫困统计数据中最初出现的性别或移民偏见,实际上主要反映了这些人口群体之间的收入差距。除了收入之外,我们的研究结果还强调了空间、制度和行为因素在形成脆弱性方面的重要性。特别是,我们发现荷兰社会住房的相对较高的能源质量减轻了妇女和移民——尽管存在性别和移民收入差距——最终陷入能源贫困的风险。我们还发现了能源贫困亚型的差异:女性更容易遭受综合能源贫困(能效低下的住房和高能源成本),而男性更有可能表现出隐性能源贫困(能效低下的住房,但能源成本低)。这些发现强调了在设计有效的政策以减少能源贫困时,解决能源领域以外的收入和住房结构性不平等问题的重要性。因此,公正和包容的能源转型将取决于解决造成能源贫困的更广泛的社会经济和体制条件。
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引用次数: 0
The temporal evolution of resistance strategies during low-carbon transitions: Revealing the industry playbook of US, German, and Japanese automakers in the unfolding electric vehicle transition (1990–2025) 低碳转型中阻力策略的时间演化:揭示美国、德国和日本汽车制造商在电动汽车转型中的行业剧本(1990-2025)
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104492
Frank W. Geels , Karen Smith Stegen , Gregory Trencher , Peter Wells
Building on research into the types of resistance strategies employed by incumbent firms (including framing, lobbying, organised pressure, and litigation), this article investigates the temporal development of these strategies during low-carbon transitions. Rather than understanding resistance as a temporary phenomenon in early transition stages, we conceptualise it as a dimension recurring over multiple phases. We develop an ideal-type framework of changes in the type and focus of resistance strategies during five phases of low-carbon reorientation, thereby identifying the industry playbook. We apply this framework to three case studies of incumbent automakers in the United States, Germany, and Japan, which since the 1990s have used multiple resistance strategies while reorienting towards battery electric vehicles (BEVs). We find that US automakers resisted strongly from the early 1990s, that German automakers gradually increased their resistance strategies over time, and that Japanese automakers hardly resisted in early phases (because of their reorientation towards hybrid electric vehicles) but strongly resisted BEVs in later phases. We further find that US automakers used more overt confrontational strategies, while Japanese and German automakers relied on less visible lobbying and consultation tactics. Automakers used resistance strategies throughout the entire case study duration but shifted focus in the last period from opposing the direction of travel towards resisting the speed of change. Although automakers are now significantly reorienting towards BEVs, they continue to use resistance strategies. We explain this paradox by suggesting that automakers play multi-dimensional chess, in which they reorient in some dimensions while resisting in others.
在对现有企业采用的抵抗策略类型(包括框架、游说、有组织的压力和诉讼)的研究基础上,本文研究了这些策略在低碳转型期间的时间发展。我们不是将阻力理解为早期过渡阶段的暂时现象,而是将其概念化为多个阶段中反复出现的维度。在低碳再定位的五个阶段,我们开发了一种理想类型的变化框架,包括抵抗策略的类型和重点,从而确定行业剧本。我们将这一框架应用于美国、德国和日本的三个现有汽车制造商的案例研究,这些汽车制造商自20世纪90年代以来在转向纯电动汽车(bev)的同时使用了多种抵抗策略。我们发现,美国汽车制造商从20世纪90年代初开始强烈抵制,德国汽车制造商随着时间的推移逐渐增加了抵制策略,日本汽车制造商在早期几乎没有抵制(因为他们重新定位于混合动力电动汽车),但在后期强烈抵制纯电动汽车。我们进一步发现,美国汽车制造商使用了更多公开的对抗策略,而日本和德国汽车制造商则依赖于不那么明显的游说和咨询策略。在整个案例研究期间,汽车制造商都在使用抵制策略,但在最后一段时间内,他们将重点从反对发展方向转向抵制变化的速度。尽管汽车制造商现在正在大力转向纯电动汽车,但他们仍在使用抵制策略。我们通过建议汽车制造商玩多维国际象棋来解释这一悖论,他们在某些方面重新定位,而在其他方面进行抵抗。
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引用次数: 0
Practical implementation of artificial intelligence for climate change mitigation in cities – priorities, collaborations and challenges 人工智能在城市减缓气候变化方面的实际应用——优先事项、合作和挑战
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104498
Marie Josefine Hintz , Milena Gross , Felix Creutzig , Lynn H. Kaack
European cities are increasingly exploring artificial intelligence (AI) applications to achieve their climate goals. Yet, how European city administrations implement AI-for-climate projects remains unclear. To address this gap, we interviewed city staff and urban innovation experts (n=15 interviewees) from Amsterdam, Berlin, Copenhagen, Greater Paris, Helsinki, and Vienna about their motivations, challenges, solutions, and partnerships when deploying AI tools. We found that city administrations were driven by different priorities that extend beyond accelerating climate action, such as improving decision-making, providing better services to residents, reducing costs, and showcasing innovation. We also identified implementation challenges for city administrations, for instance, socio-technical interoperability with existing systems or increasing AI literacy among city staff who work on climate action. We characterized three implementation arrangements through which cities deployed AI, highlighting the plural roles of city administrations in shaping AI deployment. Our analysis indicates that the European Commission, start-ups, researchers, and innovation labs were key partners for implementation, unlike civil society and large technology firms. Our study also reveals substantial challenges even for large, affluent cities, creating doubt about the applicability of AI projects for climate change mitigation in small and medium-sized cities.
欧洲城市越来越多地探索人工智能(AI)应用,以实现其气候目标。然而,欧洲城市管理部门如何实施人工智能气候项目仍不清楚。为了解决这一差距,我们采访了来自阿姆斯特丹、柏林、哥本哈根、大巴黎、赫尔辛基和维也纳的城市工作人员和城市创新专家(n=15名受访者),了解他们在部署人工智能工具时的动机、挑战、解决方案和合作伙伴关系。我们发现,城市管理受到不同优先事项的驱动,这些优先事项不仅限于加速气候行动,还包括改进决策、为居民提供更好的服务、降低成本和展示创新。我们还确定了城市管理部门面临的实施挑战,例如,与现有系统的社会技术互操作性,或提高从事气候行动的城市工作人员的人工智能素养。我们描述了城市部署人工智能的三种实施安排,强调了城市管理部门在塑造人工智能部署方面的多重作用。我们的分析表明,与民间社会和大型科技公司不同,欧盟委员会、初创企业、研究人员和创新实验室是实施的关键合作伙伴。我们的研究还揭示了即使对富裕的大城市也存在重大挑战,这使人们怀疑人工智能项目在中小城市减缓气候变化方面的适用性。
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引用次数: 0
Contestation is the process: Media debates, democratic struggles, and the decarbonization of road transport in Norway 争论就是这个过程:媒体辩论、民主斗争和挪威道路运输的脱碳
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104506
Lucía Liste , Marit S. Olsen , Berit T. Nilsen
Road transport has become one of the most politically contested domains of decarbonization, as measures such as road pricing redistribute costs and responsibilities in ways that directly shape everyday life. These conflicts signal a broader shift in climate governance, where low-carbon transitions increasingly hinge not on public acceptance but on political struggle. This article addresses this challenge by examining how contestation actively shapes transition pathways.
We develop the concept of contestation-as-participation, which integrates insights from Energy Justice and Ecologies of Participation. This lens clarifies the content of justice claims while revealing the relational and emergent practices through which actors mobilize, transform, and negotiate these claims over time. In doing so, the article advances action-oriented approaches within Energy Justice by showing how justice is enacted, reworked, and made consequential through ongoing conflict.
Empirically, we analyze media debates on road tolls in Bergen, Kristiansand, and Trondheim between 2000 and 2022, focusing on peak moments of contestation in 2006, 2013, and 2019. The findings show that: (i) contestation is not an obstacle but a driver shaping the direction and legitimacy of transition pathways; (ii) public debates involve heterogeneous actors, strategies, and claims that are obscured by notions of a singular “public”; and (iii) contestation generates ambivalent outcomes, simultaneously enabling democratic renewal and contributing to polarization and mistrust.
We conclude that climate governance should not seek to minimize or bypass conflict. Instead, contestation must be recognized and engaged as a crucial form of participation—and as a resource for negotiating just, democratic, and resilient low-carbon transitions.
公路运输已成为政治上最具争议的脱碳领域之一,因为道路定价等措施以直接影响日常生活的方式重新分配成本和责任。这些冲突标志着气候治理的更广泛转变,低碳转型越来越依赖于政治斗争而不是公众的接受。本文通过研究争论如何积极地塑造转换路径来解决这一挑战。我们发展了竞赛即参与的概念,它整合了能源正义和参与生态的见解。这一视角澄清了正义主张的内容,同时揭示了参与者随着时间的推移动员、转化和谈判这些主张的关系和紧急实践。在此过程中,本文通过展示正义是如何通过持续的冲突制定、重新制定和产生后果的,在能源正义中推进了以行动为导向的方法。实证分析了2000年至2022年间卑尔根、克里斯蒂安桑和特隆赫姆关于公路收费的媒体辩论,重点关注了2006年、2013年和2019年争论的高峰时刻。研究结果表明:(1)争论不是障碍,而是驱动因素,决定了转型路径的方向和合法性;(ii)公共辩论涉及被单一“公众”概念所模糊的异质行动者、策略和主张;(三)争论产生矛盾的结果,同时使民主得以复兴,并助长两极分化和不信任。我们的结论是,气候治理不应寻求最小化或绕过冲突。相反,争论必须被视为一种至关重要的参与形式,并被视为公正、民主和有弹性的低碳转型谈判的资源。
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引用次数: 0
Dislocation and repair after nuclear accidents: The discursive struggle over nuclear power in Belgium in the wake of Three Mile Island, Chernobyl and Fukushima 核事故后的错位与修复:三哩岛、切尔诺贝利和福岛核事故后比利时关于核能的话语斗争
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104503
Karel Deneckere , Benjamin De Cleen
Since the early 1970s, the use of nuclear power to generate electricity has been the subject of ongoing public controversy. These debates about energy provision are rooted in a deeper clash between hegemonic and counter-hegemonic worldviews regarding an energy-intensive society and, ultimately, humanity's relationship with the natural environment. This clash becomes especially pronounced after nuclear accidents. Large-scale accidents are interesting case studies because they put the technology's advocates on the defensive while providing its opponents with opportunities to challenge the status quo. This article presents a discourse-theoretical analysis of the public debate in Belgium following three such accidents: Three Mile Island (1979), Chernobyl (1986), and Fukushima (2011). The analysis identifies three discursive strategies for handling the accidents discursively, each with its own implications with regard to maintaining the status quo or pursuing social change. The first strategy protects the technology by focusing narrowly on the affected reactors and suggesting that the accidents are exceptional misfortunes without deeper implications. The second strategy allows discussion of the technology's societal desirability, but avoids scrutiny of the underlying worldview. The third strategy most radically challenges the status quo by representing nuclear accidents as emblematic of humans' problematic relationship with their natural environment. This shows that the debate on nuclear power is ultimately a deeper conflict between competing worldviews regarding humans' relationship with their socio-ecological environment. The article concludes that the mechanisms of discursive struggle identified in this nuclear power case study are relevant to debates on energy and complex technologies more broadly.
自20世纪70年代初以来,利用核能发电一直是公众争议的主题。这些关于能源供应的争论根植于霸权和反霸权世界观之间更深层次的冲突,这些冲突涉及能源密集型社会,最终涉及人类与自然环境的关系。这种冲突在核事故后变得尤为明显。大规模事故是有趣的案例研究,因为它们使该技术的支持者处于守势,同时为反对者提供了挑战现状的机会。本文对三起此类事故(三里岛(1979年)、切尔诺贝利(1986年)和福岛(2011年))发生后比利时的公众辩论进行了话语理论分析。分析确定了三种处理事故的话语策略,每种策略在维持现状或追求社会变革方面都有自己的含义。第一种策略通过狭隘地关注受影响的反应堆来保护技术,并暗示这些事故是特殊的不幸,没有更深层次的影响。第二种策略允许讨论技术的社会可取性,但避免审查潜在的世界观。第三种策略最彻底地挑战了现状,将核事故描述为人类与自然环境问题关系的象征。这表明,关于核能的争论最终是关于人类与其社会生态环境关系的不同世界观之间更深层次的冲突。文章的结论是,在核能案例研究中确定的话语斗争机制与更广泛地关于能源和复杂技术的辩论有关。
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引用次数: 0
Twice upon a home: Energy use, emissions and inequality across primary and second homes 两套住房:第一和第二套住房的能源使用、排放和不平等
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104491
Anna Strandell , Santtu Karhinen , Kati Pitkänen , Sara-Tuuli Siiskonen , Enni Ruokamo
Residential energy consumption plays an essential role in mitigating climate change. An energy transition has the potential to alleviate socioeconomic disparities, although it can also lead to an unfair distribution of costs and benefits. The residential energy transition is already progressing in many countries, yet there remains a research gap regarding the participation of diverse population groups and the contribution of second homes to overall household energy consumption and emissions. We applied a novel approach, integrating multiple data sources, to calculate residential energy consumption and emissions for a sample of Finnish households, including those arising from second homes. Regression analysis was then employed to examine the influence of household and building-specific factors on energy consumption and emissions. Regression models initially indicated a positive association between income and per-capita energy use and emissions. However, after accounting for building characteristics, income was negatively associated with per-capita energy consumption. These findings suggest that middle- and high-income households tend to occupy more energy-efficient dwellings than low-income households. Furthermore, while rural households exhibited higher per-capita energy consumption than urban households, differences in emissions were less pronounced. Second homes significantly increased energy use and emissions. The results indicate that certain population groups and areas may be excluded from the benefits of the residential energy transition, warranting further research into the specific circumstances of diverse groups. Future policies aimed at promoting residential energy transition should prioritize support for low-income households and incorporate measures addressing energy consumption and emissions from second homes.
住宅能源消费在减缓气候变化方面发挥着至关重要的作用。能源转型有可能缓解社会经济差距,尽管它也可能导致成本和收益的不公平分配。许多国家的住宅能源转型已经取得进展,但在不同人口群体的参与和第二住宅对整个家庭能源消费和排放的贡献方面仍然存在研究差距。我们采用了一种新颖的方法,整合多个数据源,计算芬兰家庭样本的住宅能源消耗和排放,包括那些来自第二套住房的家庭。然后采用回归分析来检验家庭和建筑特定因素对能源消耗和排放的影响。回归模型最初表明,收入与人均能源使用和排放之间存在正相关关系。然而,在考虑到建筑特征后,收入与人均能源消耗呈负相关。这些发现表明,中高收入家庭比低收入家庭更倾向于使用节能住宅。此外,虽然农村家庭的人均能源消费高于城市家庭,但排放量的差异不太明显。第二套住房显著增加了能源使用和排放。结果表明,某些人口群体和地区可能无法从住宅能源转型中受益,需要进一步研究不同群体的具体情况。未来旨在促进住宅能源转型的政策应优先支持低收入家庭,并纳入解决第二套住房能源消耗和排放问题的措施。
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引用次数: 0
City low-carbon transitions: Varied pathways and drivers behind the adoption of increasingly ambitious climate policies 城市低碳转型:采取日益雄心勃勃的气候政策背后的各种途径和驱动因素
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104483
John H. Armstrong
The future of cities' climate leadership depends on their adoption of increasingly ambitious policies. Focusing on 10 cities across the United States, this study examines their climate actions over time and analyzes what factors explain when and why they enacted low-carbon transition policies. The study adapts and extends the multi-level perspective of socio-technical transitions, together with the multiple streams framework, drawing on policy official interviews to assess policy adoption in each city. The findings indicate that cities with varied policy histories and a range of political, social, economic, and energy system conditions can enact ambitious policies. A combination of several but often varying nudge factors can drive policy adoption, including policy entrepreneurs leading or asserting pressure, community activism, changes in mayor or city council, local climate impacts, state actions, and peer government actions. There are multiple pathways to low-carbon transition policies that are open to cities with diverse characteristics, underscoring the opportunity for more ambitious climate actions in more places.
城市在气候变化方面的领导地位的未来取决于它们采取越来越雄心勃勃的政策。本研究以美国10个城市为研究对象,考察了它们长期以来的气候行动,并分析了哪些因素解释了它们何时以及为何制定了低碳转型政策。该研究适应并扩展了社会技术转型的多层次视角,以及多流框架,利用政策官员访谈来评估每个城市的政策采用情况。研究结果表明,具有不同政策历史和一系列政治、社会、经济和能源系统条件的城市可以制定雄心勃勃的政策。几个但往往不同的推动因素的结合可以推动政策的采用,包括政策企业家领导或主张压力,社区行动主义,市长或市议会的变化,当地气候影响,国家行动和同行政府行动。实现低碳转型政策的途径多种多样,对具有不同特点的城市开放,这凸显了在更多地方采取更有雄心的气候行动的机会。
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引用次数: 0
Countering the Climate Change Counter Movement: Six lessons from Canada's climate delays 应对气候变化对抗运动:加拿大气候迟缓的六个教训
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104500
Samuel Lloyd , Ekaterina Rhodes
The global transition away from fossil fuels is dangerously delayed. While climate delays are a complex issue, the fossil-fuel funded Climate Change Counter Movement represents a key culprit that is worthy of greater attention than it receives. As such, this article uses Canada as a case study to highlight the Movement's role in delaying climate action in the West, and to suggest six strategies to counteract their influence. We collate evidence demonstrating the Climate Change Counter Movement's influence over the Canadian state, its economy and its people, and directly linking elite members of the Movement to post-truth narratives that deny the reality of climate change, and delay climate policy. Concerningly, we also find evidence that these “climate delay discourses” can rapidly evolve to exploit new contexts and cultures, and are already being repeated by unassociated members of the general public. In order to spur action against the Climate Change Counter Movement, we combine insights from our case study with a narrative review of international research to suggest six strategies to counteract their influence, alongside associated directions for future research. These strategies would see climate policy advocates: reflect upon their own position; develop knowledge of the Climate Change Counter Movement's actions; use that knowledge to hold them legally accountable for those actions; reverse the effects they have already had on the general population; push “passively supported” policies to advance climate action even when public appetites are low; and challenge the economic and cultural roots of the Climate Change Counter Movement's power.
全球摆脱化石燃料的过渡被危险地推迟了。虽然气候延迟是一个复杂的问题,但由化石燃料资助的“气候变化对抗运动”(climate Change Counter Movement)是一个值得更多关注的罪魁祸首。因此,本文以加拿大为例,强调了该运动在拖延西方气候行动方面的作用,并提出了六项策略来抵消它们的影响。我们整理了证据,证明气候变化反运动对加拿大国家、经济和人民的影响,并将该运动的精英成员与否认气候变化现实、推迟气候政策的后真相叙事直接联系起来。令人担忧的是,我们还发现有证据表明,这些“气候延迟话语”可以迅速演变为利用新的背景和文化,并且已经被无关的公众成员重复。为了刺激应对气候变化运动的行动,我们将案例研究的见解与国际研究的叙述回顾结合起来,提出了六种抵消其影响的策略,以及未来研究的相关方向。这些策略将促使气候政策倡导者:反思自己的立场;发展对气候变化应对运动行动的认识;利用这些知识让他们对这些行为承担法律责任;扭转它们已经对普通民众产生的影响;即使在公众兴趣不高的情况下,也要推行“被动支持”政策,推动气候行动;挑战气候变化对抗运动力量的经济和文化根源。
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引用次数: 0
Hidden affordability gap: Ignoring housing costs misses the true level of energy poverty in the United States 隐藏的负担能力差距:忽视住房成本忽略了美国能源贫困的真实水平
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104488
Jingjing Zhang , Destenie Nock , Dani Wu , Michelle Johnson-Wang , Xiatong Li
Energy burden, the proportion of household gross income spent on energy, is widely used for identifying and assessing energy affordability in the United States. However, calculations often overlook housing costs – the biggest household expense – and their impact on a household's ability to pay energy bills.
We propose an adjusted metric, defining energy burden as the share of a household's net income (gross income minus housing costs) spent on energy. Analyzing data from over one million rental households and 60,000 census tracts in the United States, we find that omitting housing costs underestimates the number of burdened households, missing an additional 11 % of financially strained rental households nationwide (about 4.7 million households). We identify 7 % more burdened census tracts, especially among low- and moderate-income groups in hot-humid and high-rent areas.
The net income-based approach also aligns better with other poverty metrics. It captures 24 % more households receiving food stamps than the gross income-based approach. Furthermore, a sensitivity analysis using data from nearly 14 million rental households over two decades demonstrates the metric's greater responsiveness to changes in energy prices, housing, and income. Future scenarios project that by 2050, the share of U.S. rental households with energy burden could range from 24 % to 63 %, highlighting the significant impact of choices made today.
Energy affordability requires a multidimensional approach; future work could apply this new affordability ratio method in conjunction with other indices, such as residual income metrics, energy-limiting behaviors, consensus-based approaches, and consideration of other structural poverty factors.
能源负担,即家庭总收入中能源支出的比例,在美国被广泛用于确定和评估能源负担能力。然而,计算往往忽略了住房成本——家庭最大的支出——及其对家庭支付能源账单能力的影响。我们提出了一个调整后的指标,将能源负担定义为家庭净收入(总收入减去住房成本)在能源上花费的份额。我们分析了来自美国100多万个租赁家庭和6万个人口普查区的数据,发现忽略住房成本低估了负担家庭的数量,遗漏了全国11%的财务紧张的租赁家庭(约470万户)。我们确定了7%的负担更重的人口普查区,特别是在湿热和高租金地区的中低收入群体中。以净收入为基础的方法也更符合其他贫困指标。与基于总收入的方法相比,该方法涵盖的领取食品券的家庭多24%。此外,对近1400万租赁家庭20年来的数据进行的敏感性分析表明,该指标对能源价格、住房和收入的变化具有更大的响应性。未来的情景预测,到2050年,美国有能源负担的租房家庭比例可能在24%到63%之间,这凸显了今天做出的选择的重大影响。能源负担能力需要一个多维的方法;未来的工作可以将这种新的负担能力比率方法与其他指数结合使用,如剩余收入指标、能源限制行为、基于共识的方法以及对其他结构性贫困因素的考虑。
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引用次数: 0
Energy transition vs. ecotourism in the Colombian Amazon: Community perceptions and sustainability in the San Pedro River basin 哥伦比亚亚马逊地区的能源转型与生态旅游:圣佩德罗河流域的社区观念和可持续性
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104499
Esther Julia Olaya-Marín , Miguel Barrios , Sergio Salazar-Galán
Ecotourism has emerged as a key strategy for sustainable development in the Colombian Amazon, integrating ecological conservation, community inclusion, and territorial reconstruction in areas affected by armed conflict. However, the expansion of small hydropower plants (SHPs) poses an emerging threat to these dynamics. This study examines community perceptions of the potential impacts of SHPs on ecotourism in the San Pedro River basin, located in the Caquetá department, a region designated as one of the ‘Areas Most Affected by Armed Conflict’. Using a mixed-methods approach —comprising 195 structured surveys and 30 semi-structured interviews— distinct perception patterns were identified across three population centers. The results show that, in each community, between 38 % and 40 % of respondents expressed an unfavourable assessment, and that when the negative categories are grouped together, the proportion rises to around two-thirds of the total. These perceptions focus on risks associated with biodiversity loss, alteration of ecological flows, and the impact on essential ecotourism activities such as bird watching, hiking, and river bathing, which are fundamental to local economies. Proposed priority measures include independent environmental monitoring, strengthening ecotourism, and effective community participation from early stages of territorial planning. These findings contribute to ongoing debates on just energy transitions by highlighting the importance of planning approaches that are context-specific, inclusive of local participation, and attuned to ecological dynamics.
生态旅游已成为哥伦比亚亚马逊地区可持续发展的关键战略,在受武装冲突影响的地区将生态保护、社区包容和领土重建融为一体。然而,小型水力发电厂(SHPs)的扩张对这些动态构成了新的威胁。本研究调查了社区对位于卡奎特省的圣佩德罗河流域生态旅游潜在影响的看法,该地区被指定为“受武装冲突影响最严重的地区”之一。使用混合方法——包括195个结构化调查和30个半结构化访谈——在三个人口中心确定了不同的感知模式。结果表明,在每个社区中,38%到40%的受访者表达了不利的评价,当负面类别组合在一起时,这一比例上升到总数的三分之二左右。这些看法集中在与生物多样性丧失、生态流量改变以及对基本生态旅游活动(如观鸟、徒步旅行和河浴)的影响相关的风险上,这些活动对当地经济至关重要。建议的优先措施包括独立的环境监测、加强生态旅游以及从领土规划的早期阶段开始有效的社区参与。这些发现强调了规划方法的重要性,这些规划方法应根据具体情况,包括当地参与,并与生态动态相协调,从而有助于正在进行的关于能源转型的辩论。
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Energy Research & Social Science
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