Energy Research & Social Science最新文献_第7页

Renewable transition building on resettlement society: The case of Inner Mongolia, China 基于移民社会的可再生转型建设——以内蒙古为例

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104535

Zhanping Hu, Nikita Sud

The climate crisis demands concerted mitigation efforts. In the coal and critical minerals hub of Inner Mongolia, China, green energy projects are rapidly taking over a landscape degraded by intensive resource extraction. In this paper, we propose the analytical concept of a resettlement society. We argue that renewables transition in Inner Mongolia is built on a resettlement society long in the making. Our qualitative research shows resettlement society to be founded on routine, even repeated unsettlements and resettlements of populations to make way for agrarian, industrial, extractives, and most recently, green development. In frontier regions, resettlement society reinforces the power of the controlling state over subordinated populations. The state, allying with companies that benefit from vacated land, pens displaced populations into resettlement complexes, embroils them in complex and technical regimes of compensation, and engenders increased dependence in a context of shrinking livelihood opportunities. Despite this highly unequal and dependent relationship, our research also notes ordinary people's agency, visible in resistance to displacement, creative means of seeking increased compensation, and lack of enthusiasm for the state's post-resettlement community building or reskilling schemes. Our research, conducted in the emerging renewables centers of Ordos and Baotou shows the green economy of PV power generation and PV silicon manufacturing, benefiting from and reproducing Inner Mongolia's resettlement society.

气候危机需要协调一致的缓解努力。在中国内蒙古的煤炭和重要矿产中心，绿色能源项目正在迅速取代因资源密集开采而退化的景观。本文提出了移民安置社会的分析概念。我们认为，内蒙古的可再生能源转型是建立在一个长期形成的移民社会的基础上的。我们的定性研究表明，安置社会建立在例行的、甚至是反复的人口迁移和安置之上，为农业、工业、采掘业以及最近的绿色发展让路。在边疆地区，移民社会强化了控制国家对从属人口的权力。国家与从空置土地中获利的公司结盟，将流离失所的人口安置在安置中心，使他们卷入复杂的技术补偿制度，并在生计机会不断减少的背景下增加依赖性。尽管存在这种高度不平等和依赖关系，但我们的研究也注意到，普通民众的能动性表现在对流离失所的抵制、寻求增加补偿的创造性手段以及对国家安置后社区建设或再培训计划缺乏热情等方面。我们在新兴的可再生能源中心鄂尔多斯和包头进行的研究表明，光伏发电和光伏硅制造的绿色经济受益于并复制了内蒙古的移民社会。

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引用次数: 0

Understanding policymaker support of energy decarbonization policies for buildings 了解决策者对建筑能源脱碳政策的支持

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104536

Reid Dorsey-Palmateer , Imran Sheikh , Sharon Shewmake , Philip Thompson , Xi Wang

Residential and commercial buildings represent about 40% of energy use and 30% of greenhouse gas emissions in the United States. We survey U.S. state legislators and city council members to understand the levels and drivers of support for various public policy instruments aimed at reducing these carbon emissions from building energy use, finding a wide range of instrument support among our respondents. Policymakers self-reported priorities as well as their jurisdictional financial characteristics impact their likelihood of support of the policy instruments. We find that the priorities of “freedom of choice” and “environmental group support” have the most consistent impacts on the likelihood of supporting each of the policy instruments, while placing a higher value on “local and indoor air quality” uniquely drives support for command-and-control style policy instruments for building decarbonization. We also do not find substantial differences in the likelihood of support for the various building decarbonization policy instruments between state and municipal policymakers after controlling for the policymakers' varying priorities and jurisdictional attributes.

在美国，住宅和商业建筑约占能源消耗的40%，温室气体排放量的30%。我们调查了美国的州议员和市议会成员，以了解对旨在减少建筑能源使用产生的碳排放的各种公共政策工具的支持程度和驱动因素，在我们的受访者中发现了广泛的工具支持。政策制定者自我报告的优先事项及其管辖金融特征影响他们支持政策工具的可能性。我们发现，“选择自由”和“环境团体支持”的优先级对支持每种政策工具的可能性具有最一致的影响，而对“本地和室内空气质量”的更高价值独特地推动了对命令和控制式建筑脱碳政策工具的支持。在控制了政策制定者不同的优先事项和管辖属性后，我们也没有发现州和市政策制定者之间支持各种建筑脱碳政策工具的可能性存在实质性差异。

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引用次数: 0

Deconstructing the ivory tower: The liminal space between margins and centers in climate research 解构象牙塔：气候研究中边缘和中心之间的有限空间

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104553

Camille Belmin , Charlotte Sophia Bez , Zakia Soomauroo

What does it mean to produce climate science in 2026? Building on the dialogical approach of Fenner and Harcourt [1], this paper explores how positionalities and emotional landscapes shape the work of three female researchers in climate science. Through a collective, reflexive dialogue, we confront the personal and structural tensions embedded in global climate science, examining power asymmetries, the tokenization of diversity, and the hegemonic dominance of quantification and masculinized norms. Our reflections draw attention to how scientific practices often, even unintentionally, perpetuate the very injustices they aim to address. These inherent exclusionary practices lead us to the idea of academia as a border. By weaving together anecdotal recollections and critical theory, we illuminate how situatedness matters, not just methodologically but politically. We critique the neoliberal and heteronormative underpinnings of academic institutions and propose a future-oriented agenda grounded in relationality, emotional honesty, and epistemic inclusivity. Our concluding recommendations aim to shift academic practice from extractive performance metrics to spaces of resistance, care, and collective transformation. As part of this, we bring a reflective tool inspired by Audre Lorde's [2] Questionnaire to Oneself to invite deeper engagement with the contradictions and silences within our own scholarly work.

在2026年产生气候科学意味着什么？本文以芬纳和哈考特的对话方法为基础，探讨了立场和情感景观如何塑造三位气候科学女性研究人员的工作。通过集体的反思性对话，我们面对全球气候科学中嵌入的个人和结构性紧张关系，审视权力不对称、多样性的标记化，以及量化和男性化规范的霸权统治。我们的反思引起了人们的注意，即科学实践往往（甚至是无意中）使它们旨在解决的不公正现象永久化。这些固有的排他性做法导致我们认为学术界是一个边界。通过将轶事回忆和批判理论编织在一起，我们阐明了情境性是如何重要的，不仅在方法上，而且在政治上。我们批判了学术机构的新自由主义和异性恋规范基础，并提出了一个基于关系、情感诚实和认知包容性的面向未来的议程。我们的结论性建议旨在将学术实践从抽取绩效指标转向抵抗、关怀和集体转型的空间。作为其中的一部分，我们带来了一个反思工具，灵感来自奥德丽·洛德的b[2]问卷给自己，邀请我们在自己的学术工作中更深入地参与矛盾和沉默。

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引用次数: 0

Settler colonialism lock-in: Transitions and the prefiguring of settler futurities 定居者殖民主义锁定：过渡和定居者未来的预示

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104515

Suzanne Chew , Tracey Galloway

Transitions research commonly assumes the dominant Western paradigm of modern ontology and its ideological colonial and capitalist relations. Yet these assumptions, left uninterrogated, endanger the emancipatory and liberatory potential heralded by new energy futures within just transitions, eliding decolonial futurities that honour tenets of Indigenous resurgence as well as truth and reconciliation. In colonized places where the invaders never left, these onto-ideological assumptions risk perpetuating settler colonialism and its manifest harms, reproducing the status quo of social inequity and hegemonic power relations. Learning from the concepts by Seto et al. (2016) of ‘carbon lock-in’ and Byrd's (2011) ‘transit of empire’, we aim to further illuminate such risks by characterizing this path dependency as settler colonialism lock-in. Here, settler colonialism lock-in refers to the entrenchment of an enmeshed modern ontology, contemporary capitalism, and colonialism within the institutional, political, social, and infrastructural (legal, financial, physical) fabric of transitions, by default prefiguring and prioritizing settler futurities. Centering equity and justice necessitates reflection upon the crux of the question: whose priorities, and whose futurities, do transitions centre? Through such reflection, we call upon researchers and practitioners working on transitions to consider different worlds and learn from Indigenous thought, and in resisting neoliberal worlds, to reimagine who can and should profit from transitions. The idea of settler colonialism lock-in aims to provoke thought and reflection in discerning such path dependency to avoid these slippery paths, towards building just transitions.

转型研究通常假设西方主导的现代本体论范式及其意识形态的殖民和资本主义关系。然而，这些假设，如果不加以质疑，就会危及新能源未来在转型过程中预示的解放和解放潜力，从而忽略了尊重土著复兴以及真理与和解原则的非殖民化未来。在侵略者从未离开过的被殖民地区，这些基于意识形态的假设有可能使定居者殖民主义及其明显的危害永久化，再现社会不平等和霸权关系的现状。从Seto等人（2016）的“碳锁定”和Byrd（2011）的“帝国过境”概念中学习，我们的目标是通过将这种路径依赖描述为定居者殖民主义锁定来进一步阐明这些风险。在这里，定居者殖民主义锁定指的是在过渡的制度、政治、社会和基础设施（法律、金融、物理）结构中，一个纠缠在一起的现代本体论、当代资本主义和殖民主义的堑壕，默认地预示和优先考虑定居者的未来。以公平和正义为中心，就必须反思问题的关键：转型以谁的优先事项和谁的未来为中心？通过这样的反思，我们呼吁致力于转型的研究人员和实践者考虑不同的世界，并从土著思想中学习，并在抵制新自由主义世界的过程中，重新想象谁能够并且应该从转型中受益。定居者殖民主义锁定的想法旨在激发人们对这种路径依赖的思考和反思，以避免这些滑溜的道路，朝着建设公正的过渡。

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引用次数: 0

Driving decarbonization? Corporate responses to the Paris climate agreement in the global automotive sector 驾驶脱碳吗?全球汽车行业对巴黎气候协议的回应

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104549

Fiona Bare , Jeff D. Colgan , Alexander S. Gard-Murray

Did firms accelerate decarbonization as a result of the 2015 Paris Agreement, particularly in industries where low-carbon options were technologically feasible? Paris marked a milestone in climate cooperation, but its effectiveness depends on the behavior of firms, which generate most global carbon emissions. Prior studies disagree on whether international agreements influence corporate action, and few analyze climate accords directly. This paper examines whether the Paris Agreement shifted corporate strategy in “convertible” industries, focusing on the automotive sector. Our analysis covers twelve global automakers, responsible for almost 80% of worldwide vehicle production, using six categories of primary evidence to assess strategic change. We find only limited evidence of decarbonization strategies tied to the Paris Agreement, suggesting that firm responses were at best incremental rather than transformative. These findings challenge optimistic accounts of the Paris Agreement's influence and call for continued efforts to understand the limits of international agreements in driving firm behavior to address climate change.

企业是否因为2015年的《巴黎协定》而加速脱碳，特别是在低碳选择在技术上可行的行业？巴黎协定标志着气候合作的一个里程碑，但其有效性取决于企业的行为，而企业是全球碳排放的主要来源。先前的研究在国际协议是否影响企业行为的问题上存在分歧，而且很少有研究直接分析气候协议。本文考察了《巴黎协定》是否改变了“可转换”行业的企业战略，重点是汽车行业。我们的分析涵盖了12家全球汽车制造商，占全球汽车产量的近80%，使用六类主要证据来评估战略变革。我们发现，只有有限的证据表明，与《巴黎协定》相关的脱碳战略，表明坚定的回应充其量是渐进式的，而不是变革性的。这些发现挑战了对《巴黎协定》影响的乐观描述，并呼吁继续努力了解国际协定在推动企业应对气候变化行为方面的局限性。

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引用次数: 0

Who owns the transition narrative? BERTopic text mining of Polish press discourse on the energy transition (2015–2023) 谁拥有过渡叙事？波兰能源转型新闻话语BERTopic文本挖掘（2015-2023）

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104554

Piotr Cichocki, Mariusz Baranowski, Piotr Jabkowski

This study uses the Multi-Level Perspective to map the coverage of energy-transition issues in the Polish press from 2015 to 2023. Specifically, we examine how coverage is distributed across landscape, regime, and niche levels and how these distributions and topic salience vary among business, liberal, and right-wing press titles. We compiled 3152 articles that mentioned “energy transition” and used a transformer-based BERTopic pipeline to identify 50 topics. At the landscape level, our study revealed that the Polish press emphasized European Union climate regulations, macroeconomic conditions, and geopolitics in its coverage. At the regime level, coverage focused on coal controversies, energy infrastructure, prices and affordability, environmental, social, governance, finance, renewables, and small modular reactors. Niche content put emphasis on hydrogen and alternative fuels and highlighted the impact of digitalization and automation. Additionally, we found that business outlets overrepresented finance and markets, framing sustainability in commercial terms while downplaying partisan conflict and broad environmental policy. Liberal outlets prioritized domestic politics and social debates over technical or market dimensions. Right-wing outlets emphasized climate and the environment within national frames, highlighting hydrogen and infrastructure tied to security and independence while downplaying financial-market perspectives.

本研究采用多层次视角对波兰媒体2015年至2023年能源转型问题的报道进行了分析。具体来说，我们研究了报道是如何在景观、制度和利基层面上分布的，以及这些分布和主题的显著性在商业、自由派和右翼媒体标题之间是如何变化的。我们编译了3152篇提到“能源转换”的文章，并使用基于变压器的BERTopic管道确定了50个主题。在景观层面，我们的研究显示，波兰媒体在其报道中强调欧盟气候法规、宏观经济条件和地缘政治。在制度层面，报道集中在煤炭争议、能源基础设施、价格和可负担性、环境、社会、治理、金融、可再生能源和小型模块化反应堆。小众内容强调氢和替代燃料，并强调数字化和自动化的影响。此外，我们发现商业网点过度代表了金融和市场，在商业术语中构建了可持续性，同时淡化了党派冲突和广泛的环境政策。自由派媒体将国内政治和社会辩论置于技术或市场层面之上。右翼媒体在国家框架内强调气候和环境，强调与安全和独立相关的氢和基础设施，同时淡化金融市场的前景。

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引用次数: 0

When a forest is masked by trees: How French subsurface industries involved in decarbonisation and transition policies are instrumentalising poor social acceptance 当森林被树木掩盖：参与脱碳和转型政策的法国地下工业如何利用社会接受度差

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104517

Xavier Arnauld de Sartre , Sébastien Chailleux

Many policy-makers and industrialists consider that, over and above technology, social acceptance is the main obstacle to any decarbonised industrial use of the subsurface. Our aim in this paper is to challenge – and criticise – this point of view, by showing that even if a lack of social acceptance can explain the non-deployment of some subsurface technologies, generalising this explanation to every industrial failure hides – sometimes intentionally – the different reasons explaining why various promises from subsurface industries have failed to materialise in France. Through an analysis of three subsurface industries over a period of 15 years (underground carbon storage, shale gas development and mining prospects), this article shows how a coalition of subsurface industries and policymakers have built up a narrative emphasising the lack of social acceptability. We first show why the narratives about the lack of social acceptance fail to describe the various conflicts and project failures, and then categorise three different ways the lack of social acceptance is used to describe opponents, hide other reasons for failure and obtain policy reforms. We discuss the limitations of these frames to promote energy transition projects and the use of the very notion of social acceptance.

许多政策制定者和实业家认为，除了技术之外，社会接受度是对地下资源进行脱碳工业利用的主要障碍。我们在本文中的目的是挑战和批评这一观点，通过表明即使缺乏社会认可可以解释一些地下技术的不部署，将这种解释推广到每一个工业失败隐藏-有时是故意的-解释为什么地下工业的各种承诺未能在法国实现的不同原因。通过对15年来三个地下产业（地下碳储存、页岩气开发和采矿前景）的分析，本文展示了地下产业和政策制定者的联盟如何建立了一种强调缺乏社会可接受性的叙事。我们首先展示了为什么缺乏社会接受度的叙述不能描述各种冲突和项目失败，然后分类了缺乏社会接受度被用来描述对手、隐藏失败的其他原因和获得政策改革的三种不同方式。我们讨论了这些框架的局限性，以促进能源转型项目和使用社会接受的概念。

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引用次数: 0

Reducing avoidable deaths and energy poverty: Conjoint experimental survey evidence on United Kingdom voters' priorities for energy policy 减少可避免的死亡和能源贫困：联合王国选民对能源政策优先事项的联合实验调查证据

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104530

Anna Thew , Graham Stark , Howard Reed , Matthew Johnson , Elliott Johnson

The United Kingdom Government has highlighted the importance of energy security, energy affordability and a transition to net zero as policy priorities. However, there is concern that the most efficient means of achieving this – nationalisation of the grid and parts of generation and supply – require taxation that is not electorally feasible. It is often asserted that there is an apparent paradox in this regard, such that those who have most to gain from reform are also those most likely to object to those policies. This is most regularly invoked in the case of Red Wall electoral constituencies in Wales and the North and Midlands of England that were won from Labour by the Conservatives in 2019 and which have been described as politically and economically conservative. This article presents findings from conjoint and narrative survey data on energy policy preferences from 595 adults in 2024 with postcodes within Red Wall constituencies – the first such examination of the topic in these electorally critical areas. We find little evidence to suggest widespread opposition to progressive reform, though Conservative voters are more likely to oppose tax rises, even at the cost of reducing avoidable deaths. Overall, voters prioritise reduction of avoidable deaths and energy poverty, as well as transition to public ownership of North Sea oil and gas. Respondents preferred nationalisation over private company ownership of the energy system, and favoured funding through corporate taxation over increases to income tax. This suggests that substantive reform is preferred to the status quo.

联合王国政府强调了能源安全、能源可负担性和向净零过渡的重要性，将其作为政策优先事项。然而，有人担心，实现这一目标的最有效手段——将电网及部分发电和供电业务国有化——所要求的税收在选举中是不可行的。人们经常断言，在这方面有一个明显的矛盾，即那些从改革中获益最多的人也是最有可能反对这些政策的人。这在威尔士和英格兰北部和中部地区的红墙选区最常被引用，这些选区在2019年由保守党从工党手中赢得，被描述为政治和经济上保守的选区。本文介绍了对2024年红墙选区内595名成年人的能源政策偏好的联合和叙述调查数据的调查结果，这是对这些选举关键地区的主题的首次此类研究。尽管保守党选民更有可能反对增税，即使是以减少可避免的死亡为代价，但我们发现几乎没有证据表明普遍反对渐进式改革。总的来说，选民们优先考虑减少可避免的死亡和能源贫困，以及向北海石油和天然气的公有制过渡。受访者更倾向于将能源系统国有化，而不是私人公司所有权，他们更倾向于通过公司税而不是增加所得税来筹集资金。这表明比起维持现状，人们更愿意进行实质性的改革。

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引用次数: 0

Artificial intelligence and the energy transition: Towards ethical and equitable future power systems 人工智能和能源转型：走向道德和公平的未来电力系统

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-31 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104564

Raymond Rui Zhu , Jessie Ma

Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as a tool with a variety of uses to aid the energy transition; however, careful implementation is required to avoid ethical faults which may arise. Numerous papers exist examining AI's applications in power systems, AI's energy consumption, and ethical flaws of AI within non-energy fields such as predictive policing. However, there lacks comprehensive analyses of the ethical vulnerabilities of AI in electricity systems, as well as the social and political factors relevant to equitable AI development for power systems. A comprehensive literature review was conducted identifying three strands of research: AI's use cases in the energy transition, AI's energetic demands, and AI ethics. Applying an AI ethics framework, the paper uncovers potential ethical vulnerabilities and provides relevant case studies for energy-sector governance. The paper further examines estimates of AI energy use and existing critiques of AI ethics. Finally, the energy transition is analyzed through a critical political economy lens, exposing structural tensions in how AI is deployed in electricity systems. Future directions for research are discussed to guide this emerging field, avoid the proliferation of blind spots, promote the creation of equitable AI systems in electricity, and to decrease the environmental impact of AI adoption.

人工智能（AI）已经成为一种具有多种用途的工具，以帮助能源转型；然而，必须小心执行，以避免可能出现的道德错误。许多论文都在研究人工智能在电力系统中的应用、人工智能的能源消耗以及人工智能在非能源领域（如预测性警务）的道德缺陷。然而，缺乏对电力系统中人工智能的伦理脆弱性的全面分析，以及与电力系统公平人工智能发展相关的社会和政治因素。进行了全面的文献综述，确定了三个研究方向：人工智能在能源转型中的用例、人工智能的能源需求和人工智能伦理。本文运用人工智能伦理框架，揭示了潜在的伦理漏洞，并为能源部门治理提供了相关案例研究。本文进一步研究了对人工智能能源使用的估计和对人工智能伦理的现有批评。最后，通过关键的政治经济学视角分析了能源转型，揭示了人工智能在电力系统中部署的结构性紧张关系。讨论了未来的研究方向，以指导这一新兴领域，避免盲点的扩散，促进在电力领域建立公平的人工智能系统，并减少人工智能采用对环境的影响。

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引用次数: 0

From thermal stress to health risk: Energy and housing injustice in Hong Kong's subdivided homes 从热压力到健康风险：香港细分住宅的能源和住房不公平

IF 7.4 2区经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

Energy Research & Social Science

Pub Date : 2026-02-01 Epub Date: 2026-01-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104567

Laurence L. Delina , Kim Cochon , Johanne Rei R. Castro , Chloe Chan

Energy insecurity poses a critical threat to the well-being of Hong Kong households, particularly those residing in subdivided units—small spaces created by partitioning larger apartments—especially during periods of extreme weather. This mixed-methods study integrates survey and interview data to examine how energy insecurity and housing precarity intersect and influence self-reported health outcomes. Using an energy justice framework, the analysis highlights persistent energy injustices in Hong Kong. Most respondents reported heavy reliance on air conditioning, resulting in significant cost burdens, while over half experienced mould growth during the wet season; consequently, about one-third reported at least occasional physical health impacts. Ventilation deficiency, including unusable windows and dependence on appliance-based systems, emerged as a strong predictor of ill health. Overall, intensive coping strategies during temperature extremes, coupled with inadequate housing quality, exacerbate domestic thermal stress and health vulnerability. Institutional barriers further compound these injustices, such as landlord-controlled metering, subsidy schemes that exclude renters, and complex application procedures. Although subsidies and respite shelters exist, awareness remains limited. Accordingly, we recommend policy reforms grounded in energy justice principles, including recipient-centred subsidies, metering regulation, and integrated housing and public health interventions.

能源不安全对香港家庭的福祉构成了严重威胁，特别是那些居住在细分单元的家庭，特别是在极端天气期间。细分单元是指将较大的公寓分隔成的小空间。这项混合方法研究整合了调查和访谈数据，以研究能源不安全和住房不稳定如何交叉并影响自我报告的健康结果。该分析采用能源公正的框架，突显香港持续存在的能源不公正现象。大多数受访者表示严重依赖空调，造成了巨大的成本负担，而超过一半的人在雨季经历了霉菌生长；因此，大约三分之一的人报告说，至少偶尔会对身体健康产生影响。通风不足，包括无法使用的窗户和依赖电器系统，成为健康状况不佳的有力预测因素。总体而言，极端温度期间的强化应对策略，加上住房质量不足，加剧了家庭热应激和健康脆弱性。制度障碍进一步加剧了这些不公正，例如房东控制的计量、排除租房者的补贴计划以及复杂的申请程序。虽然有补贴和临时庇护所，但认识仍然有限。因此，我们建议以能源公正原则为基础进行政策改革，包括以接受者为中心的补贴、计量监管以及综合住房和公共卫生干预措施。

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引用次数: 0