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Settler colonialism lock-in: Transitions and the prefiguring of settler futurities 定居者殖民主义锁定:过渡和定居者未来的预示
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104515
Suzanne Chew , Tracey Galloway
Transitions research commonly assumes the dominant Western paradigm of modern ontology and its ideological colonial and capitalist relations. Yet these assumptions, left uninterrogated, endanger the emancipatory and liberatory potential heralded by new energy futures within just transitions, eliding decolonial futurities that honour tenets of Indigenous resurgence as well as truth and reconciliation. In colonized places where the invaders never left, these onto-ideological assumptions risk perpetuating settler colonialism and its manifest harms, reproducing the status quo of social inequity and hegemonic power relations. Learning from the concepts by Seto et al. (2016) of ‘carbon lock-in’ and Byrd's (2011) ‘transit of empire’, we aim to further illuminate such risks by characterizing this path dependency as settler colonialism lock-in. Here, settler colonialism lock-in refers to the entrenchment of an enmeshed modern ontology, contemporary capitalism, and colonialism within the institutional, political, social, and infrastructural (legal, financial, physical) fabric of transitions, by default prefiguring and prioritizing settler futurities. Centering equity and justice necessitates reflection upon the crux of the question: whose priorities, and whose futurities, do transitions centre? Through such reflection, we call upon researchers and practitioners working on transitions to consider different worlds and learn from Indigenous thought, and in resisting neoliberal worlds, to reimagine who can and should profit from transitions. The idea of settler colonialism lock-in aims to provoke thought and reflection in discerning such path dependency to avoid these slippery paths, towards building just transitions.
转型研究通常假设西方主导的现代本体论范式及其意识形态的殖民和资本主义关系。然而,这些假设,如果不加以质疑,就会危及新能源未来在转型过程中预示的解放和解放潜力,从而忽略了尊重土著复兴以及真理与和解原则的非殖民化未来。在侵略者从未离开过的被殖民地区,这些基于意识形态的假设有可能使定居者殖民主义及其明显的危害永久化,再现社会不平等和霸权关系的现状。从Seto等人(2016)的“碳锁定”和Byrd(2011)的“帝国过境”概念中学习,我们的目标是通过将这种路径依赖描述为定居者殖民主义锁定来进一步阐明这些风险。在这里,定居者殖民主义锁定指的是在过渡的制度、政治、社会和基础设施(法律、金融、物理)结构中,一个纠缠在一起的现代本体论、当代资本主义和殖民主义的堑壕,默认地预示和优先考虑定居者的未来。以公平和正义为中心,就必须反思问题的关键:转型以谁的优先事项和谁的未来为中心?通过这样的反思,我们呼吁致力于转型的研究人员和实践者考虑不同的世界,并从土著思想中学习,并在抵制新自由主义世界的过程中,重新想象谁能够并且应该从转型中受益。定居者殖民主义锁定的想法旨在激发人们对这种路径依赖的思考和反思,以避免这些滑溜的道路,朝着建设公正的过渡。
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引用次数: 0
Who owns the transition narrative? BERTopic text mining of Polish press discourse on the energy transition (2015–2023) 谁拥有过渡叙事?波兰能源转型新闻话语BERTopic文本挖掘(2015-2023)
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104554
Piotr Cichocki, Mariusz Baranowski, Piotr Jabkowski
This study uses the Multi-Level Perspective to map the coverage of energy-transition issues in the Polish press from 2015 to 2023. Specifically, we examine how coverage is distributed across landscape, regime, and niche levels and how these distributions and topic salience vary among business, liberal, and right-wing press titles. We compiled 3152 articles that mentioned “energy transition” and used a transformer-based BERTopic pipeline to identify 50 topics. At the landscape level, our study revealed that the Polish press emphasized European Union climate regulations, macroeconomic conditions, and geopolitics in its coverage. At the regime level, coverage focused on coal controversies, energy infrastructure, prices and affordability, environmental, social, governance, finance, renewables, and small modular reactors. Niche content put emphasis on hydrogen and alternative fuels and highlighted the impact of digitalization and automation. Additionally, we found that business outlets overrepresented finance and markets, framing sustainability in commercial terms while downplaying partisan conflict and broad environmental policy. Liberal outlets prioritized domestic politics and social debates over technical or market dimensions. Right-wing outlets emphasized climate and the environment within national frames, highlighting hydrogen and infrastructure tied to security and independence while downplaying financial-market perspectives.
本研究采用多层次视角对波兰媒体2015年至2023年能源转型问题的报道进行了分析。具体来说,我们研究了报道是如何在景观、制度和利基层面上分布的,以及这些分布和主题的显著性在商业、自由派和右翼媒体标题之间是如何变化的。我们编译了3152篇提到“能源转换”的文章,并使用基于变压器的BERTopic管道确定了50个主题。在景观层面,我们的研究显示,波兰媒体在其报道中强调欧盟气候法规、宏观经济条件和地缘政治。在制度层面,报道集中在煤炭争议、能源基础设施、价格和可负担性、环境、社会、治理、金融、可再生能源和小型模块化反应堆。小众内容强调氢和替代燃料,并强调数字化和自动化的影响。此外,我们发现商业网点过度代表了金融和市场,在商业术语中构建了可持续性,同时淡化了党派冲突和广泛的环境政策。自由派媒体将国内政治和社会辩论置于技术或市场层面之上。右翼媒体在国家框架内强调气候和环境,强调与安全和独立相关的氢和基础设施,同时淡化金融市场的前景。
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引用次数: 0
“Green electricity cockroaches”: An environmental criminology of fraud, embezzlement, and bribery in Taiwan's renewable energy development “绿色电力蟑螂”:台湾再生能源发展中诈欺、贪污与贿赂的环境犯罪学
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104552
Ming-sho Ho , Chun-hao Huang
Rapid renewable energy expansion creates unintended opportunities for crime, yet existing empirical analysis of these mechanisms remains fragmented. This study analyzes corruption in Taiwan's energy transition using an original dataset of prosecutorial records from 2016 to 2024. Applying a green criminology framework to 23 cases involving 130 individuals, we identify three distinct patterns: fraud targeting investors, and embezzlement and bribery involving public officials. Contrary to the prevailing views, career civil servants were implicated more often than elected politicians, with illicit activities concentrated at the grassroots township level. Furthermore, energy developers were frequently victims of extortion rather than perpetrators, indicating that pre-existing weak governance, local factionalism, and organized crime drive these offenses. The analysis identifies land allocation processes and the feed-in-tariff system as structural sources of irregularities. These practices have eroded public confidence and fueled partisan conflict. To restore trust and curb systemic corruption, the study recommends sustained legal enforcement, the use of strategic environmental assessments, and a gradual transition toward competitive bidding mechanisms.
可再生能源的快速扩张为犯罪创造了意想不到的机会,但现有的对这些机制的实证分析仍然零散。本研究使用2016年至2024年台湾检察记录的原始数据集,分析台湾能源转型中的腐败问题。将绿色犯罪学框架应用于涉及130人的23起案件,我们确定了三种不同的模式:针对投资者的欺诈,以及涉及公职人员的贪污和贿赂。与流行的观点相反,职业公务员比民选政客更容易受到牵连,非法活动集中在基层乡镇一级。此外,能源开发商往往是勒索的受害者,而不是犯罪者,这表明先前存在的治理薄弱、地方派系斗争和有组织犯罪推动了这些犯罪。分析指出,土地分配过程和上网电价制度是不规范的结构性根源。这些做法侵蚀了公众的信心,助长了党派冲突。为了恢复信任和遏制系统性腐败,该研究建议持续执法,采用战略环境评估,并逐步向竞争性招标机制过渡。
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引用次数: 0
Justice in the spotlight: Do parliamentary debates shape Germany's energy transition? 聚光灯下的正义:议会辩论会影响德国的能源转型吗?
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104526
Rabea Scholz , Johan Lilliestam
As the energy transition picks up pace, the side effects of energy policies are gaining political prominence. In recent years, the costs and, especially, the distributive effects of energy policy have climbed the political agenda, with debates increasingly focusing on the justice effects alongside the effectiveness of policy measures. Here, we explore the role of justice arguments in parliamentary energy policy debates and how they have affected legislation even before they affect the population. We do this for two cases of German energy policy by observing how parliamentarians debate the distributive justice effects of energy transition measures and tracing how their arguments affected legislation. We show that parliamentary debates, especially the more intense and controversial ones, featured strong use of justice arguments, and that both laws subsequently changed along the lines of several of those arguments. Simultaneously, we observe that debates were, in part, symbolic, signaling opposition rather than truly seeking to affect the laws. We conclude that justice-based argumentation is common and strong in parliamentary debates on energy policy, and that these arguments do affect legislation.
随着能源转型步伐加快,能源政策的副作用在政治上越来越突出。近年来,能源政策的成本,尤其是分配效应,已经上升到政治议程上,辩论越来越多地关注政策措施的有效性和正义效应。在这里,我们探讨了正义论点在议会能源政策辩论中的作用,以及它们如何在影响人口之前影响立法。我们通过观察议员如何辩论能源转型措施对分配正义的影响,并追踪他们的论点如何影响立法,对德国能源政策的两个案例进行了研究。我们表明,议会辩论,尤其是那些更激烈、更有争议的辩论,以强烈使用正义论点为特色,两项法律随后都沿着这些论点的一些方向发生了变化。同时,我们观察到,辩论在某种程度上是象征性的,表明反对意见,而不是真正寻求影响法律。我们得出的结论是,在议会关于能源政策的辩论中,以正义为基础的论点是普遍而有力的,这些论点确实影响了立法。
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引用次数: 0
When a forest is masked by trees: How French subsurface industries involved in decarbonisation and transition policies are instrumentalising poor social acceptance 当森林被树木掩盖:参与脱碳和转型政策的法国地下工业如何利用社会接受度差
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2025.104517
Xavier Arnauld de Sartre , Sébastien Chailleux
Many policy-makers and industrialists consider that, over and above technology, social acceptance is the main obstacle to any decarbonised industrial use of the subsurface. Our aim in this paper is to challenge – and criticise – this point of view, by showing that even if a lack of social acceptance can explain the non-deployment of some subsurface technologies, generalising this explanation to every industrial failure hides – sometimes intentionally – the different reasons explaining why various promises from subsurface industries have failed to materialise in France. Through an analysis of three subsurface industries over a period of 15 years (underground carbon storage, shale gas development and mining prospects), this article shows how a coalition of subsurface industries and policymakers have built up a narrative emphasising the lack of social acceptability. We first show why the narratives about the lack of social acceptance fail to describe the various conflicts and project failures, and then categorise three different ways the lack of social acceptance is used to describe opponents, hide other reasons for failure and obtain policy reforms. We discuss the limitations of these frames to promote energy transition projects and the use of the very notion of social acceptance.
许多政策制定者和实业家认为,除了技术之外,社会接受度是对地下资源进行脱碳工业利用的主要障碍。我们在本文中的目的是挑战和批评这一观点,通过表明即使缺乏社会认可可以解释一些地下技术的不部署,将这种解释推广到每一个工业失败隐藏-有时是故意的-解释为什么地下工业的各种承诺未能在法国实现的不同原因。通过对15年来三个地下产业(地下碳储存、页岩气开发和采矿前景)的分析,本文展示了地下产业和政策制定者的联盟如何建立了一种强调缺乏社会可接受性的叙事。我们首先展示了为什么缺乏社会接受度的叙述不能描述各种冲突和项目失败,然后分类了缺乏社会接受度被用来描述对手、隐藏失败的其他原因和获得政策改革的三种不同方式。我们讨论了这些框架的局限性,以促进能源转型项目和使用社会接受的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Transmission, turbines, and trust: The social dynamics and narratives of opposition to renewable energy infrastructure in regional Australia 传输、涡轮机和信任:澳大利亚地区反对可再生能源基础设施的社会动态和叙事
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104546
Eleanor Buckley , R.M. Colvin
Governments around the world are decarbonising their energy systems, resulting in a rapid and widespread buildout of new renewable energy generation, storage, and transmission infrastructure. This effort has encountered opposition, including place-based movements in regional areas required to host the infrastructure. Despite growing attention to renewable energy opposition, little is known about the social dynamics within these movements or what participation in them means for those involved. This study provides new and novel insight into the social dynamics and narratives of a regional Australian anti-renewables movement. Drawing on qualitative data from 19 semi-structured interviews with members of the opposition movement in the Wimmera Mallee region of western Victoria, Australia, we find that the social dynamics present in the movement can be understood as an emerging social identity with attendant social norms, shaped by strong links to place. Within this emerging social identity there is vigilant attentiveness to demarcations between ingroups and outgroups, and meaning provided by narratives that frame renewable energy infrastructure as the physical manifestation of deepening distrust of a range of social others including government, renewable energy proponents, and ‘greenie’ actors. For some, opposition to renewables is an extension of resistance to perceived government overreach that began with responses to COVID-19. Our research reveals that navigating this social conflict requires recognising that opposition to infrastructure extends far beyond technical concerns about transmission towers and turbines, instead encompassing a complex web of trust, social identities, place attachments, and intergroup dynamics.
世界各国政府都在对其能源系统进行脱碳,导致新的可再生能源发电、储存和传输基础设施迅速而广泛地建设起来。这一努力遭到了反对,包括在需要容纳基础设施的地区进行的基于地方的运动。尽管对可再生能源的反对越来越受到关注,但人们对这些运动中的社会动态知之甚少,也不知道参与这些运动对参与者意味着什么。这项研究为澳大利亚地区反可再生能源运动的社会动态和叙事提供了新的和新颖的见解。根据对澳大利亚维多利亚州西部维默拉马利地区反对派运动成员进行的19次半结构化访谈的定性数据,我们发现,运动中存在的社会动态可以被理解为一种新兴的社会认同,伴随着与地方的紧密联系形成的社会规范。在这种新兴的社会认同中,人们警惕地关注着内部群体和外部群体之间的界限,以及将可再生能源基础设施框架作为对一系列社会其他人(包括政府、可再生能源支持者和“绿色”行动者)日益加深的不信任的物理表现的叙述所提供的意义。对一些人来说,反对可再生能源是对政府越权的抵制的延伸,这种抵制始于应对COVID-19。我们的研究表明,要驾驭这种社会冲突,需要认识到,对基础设施的反对远远超出了对输电塔和涡轮机的技术担忧,而是包含了一个由信任、社会身份、地方依恋和群体间动态构成的复杂网络。
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引用次数: 0
Phasing out diesel subsidies in Colombia: A social contract perspective on stakeholder consultations 哥伦比亚逐步取消柴油补贴:利益相关者协商的社会契约视角
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104542
Mauricio Böhl Gutierrez
The phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies is politically sensitive and often contested, particularly in countries where fuel subsidies form an integral part of the social contract between the state and society. This paper analyses Colombia's phase-out of diesel subsidies through a qualitative case study, drawing on 32 interviews with stakeholders from government, transport, business, academia, and civil society.
Using the social contract as an analytical framework, the study examines actors' perceptions of the phase-out process, with a specific focus on the government's responsibilities under the 3Ps of the social contract (Provision, Participation and Protection) in replacing diesel subsidies. Stakeholders from the passenger and freight transport subsectors view subsidies as an essential Provision within the social contract, particularly in a context of perceived institutional inefficiency and low trust in the government capacity. The government's offer to substitute diesel subsidies with alternative Provisions, such as new technologies in the long term, conflicts with the immediate Protection challenges faced by the sector. To phase out subsidies, the government would need to address the sector's priorities to build trust in its vision for a structural reform and to tackle deep-rooted, structural vulnerabilities in the subsectors that exacerbate dependence on fossil fuels. The study also reveals clientelist structures in Colombia, raising questions about the extent to which other societal groups are involved in the process (Participation) and would require support through mitigation policies (Provision). The study highlights trust-building, inclusive consultation, and structural sector reforms as critical factors in securing public support for subsidy phase-outs.
逐步取消化石燃料补贴在政治上是敏感的,经常引起争议,特别是在燃料补贴构成国家与社会之间社会契约的组成部分的国家。本文通过对来自政府、运输、商业、学术界和民间社会的32位利益相关者的访谈,通过定性案例研究分析了哥伦比亚逐步取消柴油补贴的情况。该研究以社会契约为分析框架,考察了行为者对逐步淘汰过程的看法,并特别关注政府在社会契约的3Ps(提供、参与和保护)下取代柴油补贴的责任。来自客运和货运分部门的利益相关者将补贴视为社会契约中的一项基本条款,特别是在制度效率低下和对政府能力缺乏信任的背景下。政府提出用替代条款(如长期的新技术)替代柴油补贴,这与该行业面临的当前保护挑战相冲突。为了逐步取消补贴,政府需要解决该行业的优先事项,建立对其结构改革愿景的信任,并解决子行业根深蒂固的结构性脆弱性,这些脆弱性加剧了对化石燃料的依赖。该研究还揭示了哥伦比亚的客户关系结构,提出了其他社会群体参与这一进程的程度(参与)以及是否需要通过缓解政策提供支持(条款)的问题。该研究强调,建立信任、包容性磋商和结构性部门改革是确保公众支持逐步取消补贴的关键因素。
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引用次数: 0
From invention to mobility and from niches to global races: Organizational leadership in hydrogen- and lithium-powered transport 从发明到移动,从利基市场到全球竞争:氢动力和锂动力交通的组织领导
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104543
Fernando Moreno-Brieva , José David Romero-Puente
The global transition toward cleaner energy systems has positioned hydrogen- and lithium battery–based technologies as key enablers of sustainable transport. However, their comparative innovation dynamics remain poorly understood, as studies of this kind have been scarce, despite the strategic importance of both energy carriers for the decarbonization of mobility, industrial competitiveness, and long-term energy security. By examining both technologies within a unified analytical framework, this study offers novel comparative evidence on how organizational leadership and inventor mobility jointly shape their technological trajectories. To address this gap, the study conducts a quantitative patent-based analysis of innovation outcomes in hydrogen- and lithium–battery–powered transport, emphasizing the role of leading organizations in shaping these trajectories. Using data from the European Patent Office for 2010–2022, the study applies two complementary indicators to assess technological leadership, specialization, and inventor mobility as mechanisms of knowledge diffusion. The results show that leadership in both technologies is concentrated among firms headquartered in Germany, China, South Korea, Japan, and the United States, with marked differences across technological classes and subclasses. Moreover, the study shows that knowledge diffusion occurs primarily through the mobility of inventors across organizations, suggesting that human capital flows are a key driver of clean-technology transfer. The study concludes by outlining three plausible future scenarios—dominated respectively by lithium batteries, by hydrogen, or by their coexistence—and discusses their implications for sustainable innovation and for the long-term evolution of clean transport systems.
全球向清洁能源系统的转型,将氢电池和锂电池技术定位为可持续交通的关键推动因素。然而,尽管这两种能源载体对出行脱碳、产业竞争力和长期能源安全具有战略重要性,但由于此类研究很少,因此对它们的比较创新动态仍然知之甚少。通过在统一的分析框架内考察这两种技术,本研究为组织领导和发明者流动性如何共同塑造其技术轨迹提供了新的比较证据。为了解决这一差距,该研究对氢电池和锂电池驱动的交通运输的创新成果进行了基于专利的定量分析,强调了领先组织在塑造这些轨迹方面的作用。本研究利用欧洲专利局2010-2022年的数据,采用两个互补指标来评估技术领先、专业化和发明家流动性作为知识扩散机制的影响。结果表明,这两项技术的领先地位集中在总部位于德国、中国、韩国、日本和美国的公司中,在技术类别和子类别之间存在显著差异。此外,研究表明,知识扩散主要是通过发明者在组织间的流动来实现的,这表明人力资本流动是清洁技术转移的关键驱动因素。该研究概述了三种可能的未来情景——分别由锂电池、氢电池或两者共存主导——并讨论了它们对可持续创新和清洁运输系统长期发展的影响。
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引用次数: 0
What women want: Financing a gender-responsive clean cooking transition 女性想要的:为性别平等的清洁烹饪转型提供资金
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104538
Olivia Coldrey , Philip LaRocco , Paul Lant , David Allan
Despite the clear health, socioeconomic and climate benefits of cooking with clean fuels, many people in low- and middle-income countries are unable to do so. Women and girls experience the effects of cooking poverty most acutely. This paper explores the nexus of clean cooking, gender and finance by investigating how the financial sector can be used as a lever of change to support a gender-responsive clean cooking transition. Expert interviews with funders, gender advisors, entrepreneurs and multilateral organisations reveal a system in which institutions do not treat women as socially, culturally or financially equal to men when it comes to eradicating cooking poverty. Nor do they recognise inherent differences in outlook and risk appetite between genders, or that credit assessments often rely on rigid criteria that can disproportionately exclude women. This results in a lack of visibility, agency and influence for women in policy and funding processes that affect them, and limited access to financial resources. Our research findings suggest a roster of institutional and societal reforms that, if enacted, could lead to substantial progress in advancing a gender-just clean cooking transition. We call attention to public banks as influential institutions with mandates to address structural barriers to socioeconomic development. By mainstreaming gender in their funding operations, taking a proactive approach to women's financial inclusion, and nurturing a more gender-responsive financing ecosystem, public banks can contribute significantly to eradicating cooking poverty, reducing gender-based discrimination and improving women's livelihoods.
尽管使用清洁燃料烹饪具有明显的健康、社会经济和气候效益,但低收入和中等收入国家的许多人却无法这样做。妇女和女孩对烹饪贫困的影响最为严重。本文探讨了清洁烹饪、性别和金融之间的关系,研究了如何利用金融部门作为变革杠杆,支持促进性别平等的清洁烹饪转型。专家对资助者、性别顾问、企业家和多边组织的采访揭示了一个体系,在这个体系中,在消除烹饪贫困方面,机构没有将女性在社会、文化或经济上与男性平等对待。他们也没有认识到性别之间在前景和风险偏好方面的内在差异,也没有认识到信用评估往往依赖于严格的标准,可能会不成比例地将女性排除在外。这导致妇女在影响她们的政策和筹资过程中缺乏知名度、能动性和影响力,获得财政资源的机会有限。我们的研究结果表明,一系列制度和社会改革如果得以实施,可能会在推进性别平等的清洁烹饪转型方面取得实质性进展。我们提请注意,公共银行是有影响力的机构,负有消除社会经济发展结构性障碍的任务。通过将性别问题纳入融资业务主流,积极推进妇女普惠金融,培育更具性别敏感性的融资生态系统,公共银行可以为消除烹饪贫困、减少性别歧视和改善妇女生计做出重大贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding policymaker support of energy decarbonization policies for buildings 了解决策者对建筑能源脱碳政策的支持
IF 7.4 2区 经济学 Q1 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2026-01-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.erss.2026.104536
Reid Dorsey-Palmateer , Imran Sheikh , Sharon Shewmake , Philip Thompson , Xi Wang
Residential and commercial buildings represent about 40% of energy use and 30% of greenhouse gas emissions in the United States. We survey U.S. state legislators and city council members to understand the levels and drivers of support for various public policy instruments aimed at reducing these carbon emissions from building energy use, finding a wide range of instrument support among our respondents. Policymakers self-reported priorities as well as their jurisdictional financial characteristics impact their likelihood of support of the policy instruments. We find that the priorities of “freedom of choice” and “environmental group support” have the most consistent impacts on the likelihood of supporting each of the policy instruments, while placing a higher value on “local and indoor air quality” uniquely drives support for command-and-control style policy instruments for building decarbonization. We also do not find substantial differences in the likelihood of support for the various building decarbonization policy instruments between state and municipal policymakers after controlling for the policymakers' varying priorities and jurisdictional attributes.
在美国,住宅和商业建筑约占能源消耗的40%,温室气体排放量的30%。我们调查了美国的州议员和市议会成员,以了解对旨在减少建筑能源使用产生的碳排放的各种公共政策工具的支持程度和驱动因素,在我们的受访者中发现了广泛的工具支持。政策制定者自我报告的优先事项及其管辖金融特征影响他们支持政策工具的可能性。我们发现,“选择自由”和“环境团体支持”的优先级对支持每种政策工具的可能性具有最一致的影响,而对“本地和室内空气质量”的更高价值独特地推动了对命令和控制式建筑脱碳政策工具的支持。在控制了政策制定者不同的优先事项和管辖属性后,我们也没有发现州和市政策制定者之间支持各种建筑脱碳政策工具的可能性存在实质性差异。
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引用次数: 0
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Energy Research & Social Science
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