By defining comforting with reference to van Leeuwen's legitimation, this study aims to show how comforters achieve effective comforting through strategies oriented towards alliance, evaluation, and solution, respectively in the Chinese context. Results demonstrate that comforters discursively legitimate the comfortees’ actions and feelings through moral evaluation, rationalization, mythopoesis, authority, and various sub-strategies with Chinese characteristics, such as establishing an alliance with expressions of unavailability and moral tales, delivering positive evaluation through denial of negative self-evaluation, and offering solutions by rationalization and naturalization. We also argue that Chinese comforting strategies can be further explained in the cultural veins of Five Constant Virtues, so as to facilitate the understanding of comforting in the Chinese context.
In spoken colloquial Persian, there exists the particle ‘e’, which can be suffixed to the bare nominals (as in pesar-e: boy-e), nominals with some definite markers like demonstratives (as in in pesar-e: this boy-e) and some nominals with indefinite markers (as in ye pesar-e: a boy-e) (Nikravan, 2014; Heusinger and Sadeghpoor, 2020). This particle, termed as ‘enclitic -e’, has been insufficiently described in the literature and even this insufficient description predominantly draws on constructed sentences. The empirical investigation that underlies the present study revisits the ‘e’-marked nominal formulations in the context of making references to nouns in naturally occurring conversations to identify its multifaceted functions. It is demonstrated throughout the paper that the enclitic e marks a noun or a nominal group to denote both the speaker and recipient's (assumed) equal epistemic access to the referent, although the speaker may need some interactional work with the recipient to share his epistemic access with them. Furthermore, through this marked way of reference formulations, the speakers do more than simply referring by orienting to some measure of relational separation with the referent. Overall, the analyses reveal delicate moments of interactional work in terms of epistemic and relational functions of the e-marked formulations of the referents, and as such contribute to the research on the pragmatic and interactional view of definiteness in light of epistemics and relating theories.
There is a notable typological contrast between psych verbs in Japanese and Spanish. Japanese derives Experiencer-Object verbs (e.g. yorokob-ase-ru ‘to please’) from specific Experiencer-Subject verbs (e.g. yorokobu ‘to become pleased’) via a morphological causativization. Spanish, on the other hand, presents so-called reflexive psych verbs (e.g. alegrarse ‘to feel happy’), most of which can be analyzed as outputs of an anticausativization from certain Experiencer-Accusative verbs (e.g. alegrar ‘to make happy’). Simply put, these languages derive psych verbs with procedures that reversely mirror each other. This paper will elucidate the characteristics of the causativization used to produce Japanese Experiencer-Object causatives and the anticausativization associated with Spanish Reflexive Psych Verbs and demonstrate that the typological contrast between Japanese and Spanish psych verbs results in semantic variation, e.g. differences in the entailment relation, absence/presence of ambiguity in negation, aspectual diversity. Semantic differences between psych verbs in these languages are ascribed to specific features of the (anti)causative operations employed to generate the predicates.