Listing practice is an activity requiring a multi-unit turn produced by one single speaker. In this article, and following previous works within the conversation analysis framework, we will focus on lists elaborated by two participants, thus, describing lists as a “collaborative achievement”. In a first time, we will present the relevant features which make list construction a good candidate for illustrating such a collaborative achievement. But in a second time, we will investigate to what extent this collaborative achievement can be considered a true interactional convergent construction. Using a sequential and qualitative analysis, we investigate lists in a French conversational corpus. In a two-step analysis, we will first extract a list item provided by recipient within list. This item, considered a specific feedback response (Bavelas et al., 2000) illustrates the active collaboration from the recipient. In Stivers’ term (2008), this specific feedback aligns and affiliates with prior turn. Secondly, we will show that, depending on how the speaker orients to the feedback, this latter can be more or less accepted, hence, the hearer’s collaboration to the construction of the list. Thus, this work enables to confirm the proactive nature of feedback (Tolins & Fox Tree, 2014). Moreover, this would provide new insights into interactional convergence that cannot be reduced to a collaborative achievement.
清单练习是一项需要由单个说话者完成多单元回合的活动。在本文中，以及在对话分析框架内的先前工作中，我们将重点关注由两个参与者详细阐述的列表，因此，将列表描述为“协作成就”。在第一次，我们将提出相关的特征，使列表构建成为一个很好的候选人来说明这样的合作成果。但在第二次，我们将研究这种协作成果在多大程度上可以被认为是一个真正的相互作用的收敛结构。使用顺序和定性分析，我们调查了法语会话语料库中的列表。在两步分析中，我们将首先提取列表中接收者提供的列表项。这个项目被认为是一个特定的反馈反应(Bavelas et al.， 2000)，说明了接受者的积极合作。在Stivers的术语(2008)中，这种特定的反馈与先前的回合保持一致和关联。其次，我们将表明，根据说话人对反馈的倾向，后者或多或少可以被接受，因此，听者对列表构建的合作。因此，这项工作能够确认反馈的主动性(Tolins & Fox Tree, 2014)。此外，这将为不能简化为协作成果的相互融合提供新的见解。
{"title":"Listing Practice in French Conversation: From Collaborative Achievement to Interactional Convergence","authors":"R. Bertrand, Béatrice Priego-Valverde","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9315","url":null,"abstract":"Listing practice is an activity requiring a multi-unit turn produced by one single speaker. In this article, and following previous works within the conversation analysis framework, we will focus on lists elaborated by two participants, thus, describing lists as a “collaborative achievement”. In a first time, we will present the relevant features which make list construction a good candidate for illustrating such a collaborative achievement. But in a second time, we will investigate to what extent this collaborative achievement can be considered a true interactional convergent construction. Using a sequential and qualitative analysis, we investigate lists in a French conversational corpus. In a two-step analysis, we will first extract a list item provided by recipient within list. This item, considered a specific feedback response (Bavelas et al., 2000) illustrates the active collaboration from the recipient. In Stivers’ term (2008), this specific feedback aligns and affiliates with prior turn. Secondly, we will show that, depending on how the speaker orients to the feedback, this latter can be more or less accepted, hence, the hearer’s collaboration to the construction of the list. Thus, this work enables to confirm the proactive nature of feedback (Tolins & Fox Tree, 2014). Moreover, this would provide new insights into interactional convergence that cannot be reduced to a collaborative achievement.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79228787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Adopting a text linguistic, corpus-based approach, this article studies variation in the marking of text organization. Why is text organization sometimes signaled very precisely, while sometimes signaling does not occur at all? The focus is on a particular mode of text organization, taking the form of text sequences, i.e. structures at least partially signaled by markers of addition or order, such as first, the last example. The material consists of 90 research articles in French with manually XML-annotated text sequences (XML = Extensible Markup Language). The results highlight the variation in the marking and show several factors affecting it. In shorter sequences, the marking is typically explicit and precise, while in longer ones explicit marking is more often omitted; when used, only vague markers, signaling simple addition, are present. In addition, different markers tend to be used in the signaling of sequences of different lengths.
{"title":"Variation in the Marking of Text Organization in French Research Articles: From Short and Specific to Extended and Vague","authors":"Veronika Laippala","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9301","url":null,"abstract":"Adopting a text linguistic, corpus-based approach, this article studies variation in the marking of text organization. Why is text organization sometimes signaled very precisely, while sometimes signaling does not occur at all? The focus is on a particular mode of text organization, taking the form of text sequences, i.e. structures at least partially signaled by markers of addition or order, such as first, the last example. The material consists of 90 research articles in French with manually XML-annotated text sequences (XML = Extensible Markup Language). The results highlight the variation in the marking and show several factors affecting it. In shorter sequences, the marking is typically explicit and precise, while in longer ones explicit marking is more often omitted; when used, only vague markers, signaling simple addition, are present. In addition, different markers tend to be used in the signaling of sequences of different lengths.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88107989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L’article fait suite a un premier travail consacre a une analyse aspectuelle et diachronique de la locution adverbiale toujours est-il que a partir de Frantext (Lenepveu, 2015), dans le prolongement des travaux de Hansen (2004) et Buchi (2007). Si la locution indique fondamentalement le retour a un topique discursif anterieur (Van Dijk, 1976 ; Fraser, 2009a et b) apres une sequence « intercalee », simultanement, elle signale la plus forte prise en charge par le locuteur du segment de texte qu’elle introduit. Cette difference de prise en charge enonciative (Dendale et Coltier, 2005) donne lieu a deux emplois distincts de la locution, selon que la sequence intercalee soit l’expression d’une incertitude, ou qu’elle se presente sous une modalite assertive categorique. L’existence de deux emplois est ici tout d’abord expliquee par une etude semantique des formes specifiques prises par la sequence intercalee, puis, dans un deuxieme temps, confirmee par une recherche des equivalents possibles de la locution toujours est-il que en anglais dans des traductions (francais / anglais ; anglais / francais) de textes litteraires du XIXe et du XXe siecle. Il apparait que toujours est-il que peut etre l’equivalent en anglais d’un marqueur de modalite epistemique (it is certain that, certain it is that) lorsque la fin de la sequence intercalee exprime une incertitude.
这篇文章是在Hansen(2004)和Buchi(2007)的工作之后，从Frantext (Lenepveu, 2015)开始，对副词短语toujours -il que进行了方面和历时性分析。如果话语基本上意味着回到以前的话语主题(Van Dijk, 1976;Fraser, 2009a和b)在“插入”序列之后，它同时表示说话者对它介绍的文本片段的支持程度更高。这种主动支持的差异(Dendale和Coltier, 2005)导致了两种不同的用法，这取决于中间序列是不确定性的表达，还是在范畴自信的情态下出现。在这里，两种用法的存在首先是通过对中间序列所采取的特定形式的语义研究来解释的，然后，在第二步中，通过对英语翻译(法语/英语;19世纪和20世纪的文学文本。当插入序列的结尾表示不确定性时，它似乎总是等价于英语中的认识论情态标记(it is certain that, certain it is that)。
{"title":"Changement de topique et prise en charge énonciative : le rôle de toujours est-il que","authors":"Véronique Lenepveu","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9272","url":null,"abstract":"L’article fait suite a un premier travail consacre a une analyse aspectuelle et diachronique de la locution adverbiale toujours est-il que a partir de Frantext (Lenepveu, 2015), dans le prolongement des travaux de Hansen (2004) et Buchi (2007). Si la locution indique fondamentalement le retour a un topique discursif anterieur (Van Dijk, 1976 ; Fraser, 2009a et b) apres une sequence « intercalee », simultanement, elle signale la plus forte prise en charge par le locuteur du segment de texte qu’elle introduit. Cette difference de prise en charge enonciative (Dendale et Coltier, 2005) donne lieu a deux emplois distincts de la locution, selon que la sequence intercalee soit l’expression d’une incertitude, ou qu’elle se presente sous une modalite assertive categorique. L’existence de deux emplois est ici tout d’abord expliquee par une etude semantique des formes specifiques prises par la sequence intercalee, puis, dans un deuxieme temps, confirmee par une recherche des equivalents possibles de la locution toujours est-il que en anglais dans des traductions (francais / anglais ; anglais / francais) de textes litteraires du XIXe et du XXe siecle. Il apparait que toujours est-il que peut etre l’equivalent en anglais d’un marqueur de modalite epistemique (it is certain that, certain it is that) lorsque la fin de la sequence intercalee exprime une incertitude.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73557235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Andrea Santana, Dorien Nieuwenhuijsen, W. Spooren, T. Sanders
Causality and subjectivity are relevant cognitive principles in the categorization of coherence relations and connectives. Studies in various languages have shown how both notions can explain the meaning and use of different connectives. However, the Spanish language has been understudied from this perspective. Also, most of the existing research on connectives has used manual analyses. This paper explores the use of automatic analyses of subjectivity in causal connectives. The goal is to determine the degree to which Spanish causal connectives encode subjectivity across different text types, by carrying out automatic analyses. A corpus was constructed to identify causal connectives in journalistic texts (news and editorials) and academic texts (essays, research articles and textbooks in education and psychology). A Spanish lexicon of subjectivity was used to automatically identify the frequency of subjective words in the texts and the segments linked by the most frequent causal connectives. Our assumption is that supposedly subjective connectives will occur in more subjective environments, that is, a context containing relatively many subjective words. The results show a statistically significant relationship between the use of connectives and text type, and also between the text type and subjectivity. From a methodological point of view, the use of automatic analyses appears not to be without difficulties. However, it allowed us to explore various text types, to analyze the degrees of subjectivity in each of them and to identify tendencies related to the use of connectives in Spanish. More interestingly, the combination of automatic and manual analyses can result in a promising methodology for the study of discourse coherence and connectives.
{"title":"Causality and Subjectivity in Spanish Connectives: Exploring the Use of Automatic Subjectivity Analyses in Various Text Types","authors":"Andrea Santana, Dorien Nieuwenhuijsen, W. Spooren, T. Sanders","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9307","url":null,"abstract":"Causality and subjectivity are relevant cognitive principles in the categorization of coherence relations and connectives. Studies in various languages have shown how both notions can explain the meaning and use of different connectives. However, the Spanish language has been understudied from this perspective. Also, most of the existing research on connectives has used manual analyses. This paper explores the use of automatic analyses of subjectivity in causal connectives. The goal is to determine the degree to which Spanish causal connectives encode subjectivity across different text types, by carrying out automatic analyses. A corpus was constructed to identify causal connectives in journalistic texts (news and editorials) and academic texts (essays, research articles and textbooks in education and psychology). A Spanish lexicon of subjectivity was used to automatically identify the frequency of subjective words in the texts and the segments linked by the most frequent causal connectives. Our assumption is that supposedly subjective connectives will occur in more subjective environments, that is, a context containing relatively many subjective words. The results show a statistically significant relationship between the use of connectives and text type, and also between the text type and subjectivity. From a methodological point of view, the use of automatic analyses appears not to be without difficulties. However, it allowed us to explore various text types, to analyze the degrees of subjectivity in each of them and to identify tendencies related to the use of connectives in Spanish. More interestingly, the combination of automatic and manual analyses can result in a promising methodology for the study of discourse coherence and connectives.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75985448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cet article est consacre a certains fonctionnements discursifs des noms de parente : des emplois anaphoriques avec un determinant possessif de troisieme personne (dans des anaphores possessives telles que un homme… son pere) ou un article defini (dans des anaphores associatives telles que une famille… le pere) et des emplois que nous appellerons « situationnels » (nous regrouperons sous ce terme a la fois leurs emplois comme termes d’adresse et les emplois – avec ou sans determinant possessif de premiere ou deuxieme personne – dans lesquels ils referent au pere, a la mere, etc. du locuteur ou de son interlocuteur). Parmi les noms de parente, les noms papa, maman, pepe, tata, etc., qualifies d’« enfantins », d’« affectueux » ou de « familiers » dans les dictionnaires, connaissent surtout des emplois nus, c’est-a-dire sans determinant. Ces emplois nus sont tres diversifies, puisque ces noms de parente n’exigent de determination ni dans leurs emplois situationnels ni dans leurs emplois anaphoriques. Papa designera ainsi, selon le contexte, « mon pere », « ton pere », « son pere » ou meme « le pere (d’une famille) ». Une etude plus precise des emplois anaphoriques de papa, maman, etc. – de leurs emplois nus comme de leurs emplois avec un determinant possessif ou un article defini – nous permettra de souligner les particularites de ces noms de parente, particularites qui ne sont pas seulement de l’ordre des variations suggerees par les etiquettes d’« enfantins », d’« affectueux » ou de « familiers ».
{"title":"Quelques emplois discursifs des noms de parenté en général et de papa, maman, en particulier","authors":"M. Salles","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9259","url":null,"abstract":"Cet article est consacre a certains fonctionnements discursifs des noms de parente : des emplois anaphoriques avec un determinant possessif de troisieme personne (dans des anaphores possessives telles que un homme… son pere) ou un article defini (dans des anaphores associatives telles que une famille… le pere) et des emplois que nous appellerons « situationnels » (nous regrouperons sous ce terme a la fois leurs emplois comme termes d’adresse et les emplois – avec ou sans determinant possessif de premiere ou deuxieme personne – dans lesquels ils referent au pere, a la mere, etc. du locuteur ou de son interlocuteur). Parmi les noms de parente, les noms papa, maman, pepe, tata, etc., qualifies d’« enfantins », d’« affectueux » ou de « familiers » dans les dictionnaires, connaissent surtout des emplois nus, c’est-a-dire sans determinant. Ces emplois nus sont tres diversifies, puisque ces noms de parente n’exigent de determination ni dans leurs emplois situationnels ni dans leurs emplois anaphoriques. Papa designera ainsi, selon le contexte, « mon pere », « ton pere », « son pere » ou meme « le pere (d’une famille) ». Une etude plus precise des emplois anaphoriques de papa, maman, etc. – de leurs emplois nus comme de leurs emplois avec un determinant possessif ou un article defini – nous permettra de souligner les particularites de ces noms de parente, particularites qui ne sont pas seulement de l’ordre des variations suggerees par les etiquettes d’« enfantins », d’« affectueux » ou de « familiers ».","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89928779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nous presentons dans cet article une analyse contrastive de la distribution et de l’interpretation de trois adverbes, or et maintenant du francais et ora de l’italien. Notre objectif est de mettre en evidence le parallelisme entre l’emploi temporel et l’emploi argumentatif de ces adverbes, et de souligner les differences entre l’utilisation de ora en italien et de or / maintenant en francais. Nous defendons l’idee que ora et or / maintenant realisent la meme fonction semantique, celle d’actualiser le point de perspective du recit. Nous avancons l’hypothese que le trait semantique qui justifie cette fonction est le lien essentiel entre la lecture temporelle et epistemique. Ce lien est le resultat d’un proces d’abstraction de ces adverbes temporels et de leur utilisation comme marqueurs sur le plan discursif.
{"title":"Or, ora, maintenant : perspective temporelle et perspective argumentative","authors":"M. Becker, M. Donazzan","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9290","url":null,"abstract":"Nous presentons dans cet article une analyse contrastive de la distribution et de l’interpretation de trois adverbes, or et maintenant du francais et ora de l’italien. Notre objectif est de mettre en evidence le parallelisme entre l’emploi temporel et l’emploi argumentatif de ces adverbes, et de souligner les differences entre l’utilisation de ora en italien et de or / maintenant en francais. Nous defendons l’idee que ora et or / maintenant realisent la meme fonction semantique, celle d’actualiser le point de perspective du recit. Nous avancons l’hypothese que le trait semantique qui justifie cette fonction est le lien essentiel entre la lecture temporelle et epistemique. Ce lien est le resultat d’un proces d’abstraction de ces adverbes temporels et de leur utilisation comme marqueurs sur le plan discursif.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89484014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cet article vise a caracteriser les modes d’articulation du discours narratorial et du discours direct dans un corpus de contes du XVIIe siecle : un conte de Mme d’Aulnoy (Le pigeon et la colombe, 20 840 mots) et les contes de Perrault (20 641 mots) dans des editions ou les discours directs ne sont pas typographiquement marques. Pour les caracteriser, nous analysons l’interaction entre les segments introducteurs, les incises et la ponctuation. La methodologie mise en œuvre consiste a utiliser certains outils de textometrie permettant une observation des proprietes internes ou relationnelles des categories de discours representes par qualification linguistique de leurs constituants et de leurs positions relatives. Dans un premier temps, nous comparons le choix narratorial dominant dans chaque œuvre selon l’importance relative de chaque type de discours represente. Cette premiere analyse permet de contraster des differences entre Perrault et d’Aulnoy dans la repartition de ces discours. Apres une analyse textometrique permettant une caracterisation globale des modes d’introduction des discours directs, nous etudions les proprietes syntaxiques des frontieres entre le discours narratorial et les discours directs selon qu’il y a presence d’un segment introducteur dans le contexte gauche du discours direct ou qu’il y a une incise. Nous mettons en evidence le fait que Mme d’Aulnoy se caracterise par l’absence de segments introducteurs dans les discours directs non typographiquement marques. La differentialite du discours direct doit alors reposer sur l’usage de modalites d’enonciation allocutives, sur l’indexicalite, ou encore sur l’emploi de l’adresse et de l’incise de dire. Nous mettons en avant le caractere vicariant du segment introducteur et de l’incise et donc la fonction du discours direct comme complement d’objet direct du verbe de parole dans les deux cas ; en analysant la place de l’incise dans le discours direct et ses signes de ponctuation de cloture, nous montrons que l’incise peut etre sans rupture poursuivie par un discours narratorial evenementiel et qu’elle releve entierement de ce dernier.
{"title":"Approche textométrique de l’articulation du discours narratorial et des discours directs dans un corpus de contes du XVIIe siècle","authors":"C. Boré, D. Malrieu","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9237","url":null,"abstract":"Cet article vise a caracteriser les modes d’articulation du discours narratorial et du discours direct dans un corpus de contes du XVIIe siecle : un conte de Mme d’Aulnoy (Le pigeon et la colombe, 20 840 mots) et les contes de Perrault (20 641 mots) dans des editions ou les discours directs ne sont pas typographiquement marques. Pour les caracteriser, nous analysons l’interaction entre les segments introducteurs, les incises et la ponctuation. La methodologie mise en œuvre consiste a utiliser certains outils de textometrie permettant une observation des proprietes internes ou relationnelles des categories de discours representes par qualification linguistique de leurs constituants et de leurs positions relatives. Dans un premier temps, nous comparons le choix narratorial dominant dans chaque œuvre selon l’importance relative de chaque type de discours represente. Cette premiere analyse permet de contraster des differences entre Perrault et d’Aulnoy dans la repartition de ces discours. Apres une analyse textometrique permettant une caracterisation globale des modes d’introduction des discours directs, nous etudions les proprietes syntaxiques des frontieres entre le discours narratorial et les discours directs selon qu’il y a presence d’un segment introducteur dans le contexte gauche du discours direct ou qu’il y a une incise. Nous mettons en evidence le fait que Mme d’Aulnoy se caracterise par l’absence de segments introducteurs dans les discours directs non typographiquement marques. La differentialite du discours direct doit alors reposer sur l’usage de modalites d’enonciation allocutives, sur l’indexicalite, ou encore sur l’emploi de l’adresse et de l’incise de dire. Nous mettons en avant le caractere vicariant du segment introducteur et de l’incise et donc la fonction du discours direct comme complement d’objet direct du verbe de parole dans les deux cas ; en analysant la place de l’incise dans le discours direct et ses signes de ponctuation de cloture, nous montrons que l’incise peut etre sans rupture poursuivie par un discours narratorial evenementiel et qu’elle releve entierement de ce dernier.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85155108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper seeks to identify the conditions which a clause-initial X phrase (XP) must satisfy to license locative inversion. Three SVO (subject-verb-object) languages with distinct degrees of word order flexibility are considered: English, French and European Portuguese (EP). We show that these languages only permit locative inversion with preposed XPs which are stage topics (sTOPs), i.e. presupposed XPs that define a (spatio-temporal) location. We further show that being a sTOP is both a necessary and sufficient condition for an XP to license this type of inversion. In addition to the structures typically classified as locative inversion, cases of “absolute inversion” in French, “free” inversion in sentence-focus contexts in EP, and inversion structures with preposed participial and adjectival phrases in English and French are argued to be licensed by (c)overt sTOPs and, thus, constitute forms of (covert) locative inversion. We conclude that there is a strong correlation between sTOPs and subject-verb inversion cross-linguistically.
{"title":"Locative Inversion and Stage Topics: A Cross-Linguistic Study","authors":"Joana Teixeira","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9229","url":null,"abstract":"This paper seeks to identify the conditions which a clause-initial X phrase (XP) must satisfy to license locative inversion. Three SVO (subject-verb-object) languages with distinct degrees of word order flexibility are considered: English, French and European Portuguese (EP). We show that these languages only permit locative inversion with preposed XPs which are stage topics (sTOPs), i.e. presupposed XPs that define a (spatio-temporal) location. We further show that being a sTOP is both a necessary and sufficient condition for an XP to license this type of inversion. In addition to the structures typically classified as locative inversion, cases of “absolute inversion” in French, “free” inversion in sentence-focus contexts in EP, and inversion structures with preposed participial and adjectival phrases in English and French are argued to be licensed by (c)overt sTOPs and, thus, constitute forms of (covert) locative inversion. We conclude that there is a strong correlation between sTOPs and subject-verb inversion cross-linguistically.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83873991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pour rendre compte des processus d’interpretation d’un groupe nominal demonstratif utilise pour l’anaphore dite conceptuelle, nous nous proposons de decrire le semantisme de son nom recteur dans le cadre de la « theorie des blocs semantiques ». En nous appuyant sur les exemples releves dans un corpus litteraire, nous nous interesserons plus particulierement a l’expression anaphorique cette persistance, apres avoir decrit le verbe persister.
{"title":"L’anaphore conceptuelle au prisme de la « théorie des blocs sémantiques »","authors":"Kohei Kida","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9217","url":null,"abstract":"Pour rendre compte des processus d’interpretation d’un groupe nominal demonstratif utilise pour l’anaphore dite conceptuelle, nous nous proposons de decrire le semantisme de son nom recteur dans le cadre de la « theorie des blocs semantiques ». En nous appuyant sur les exemples releves dans un corpus litteraire, nous nous interesserons plus particulierement a l’expression anaphorique cette persistance, apres avoir decrit le verbe persister.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77657141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper reports results from a study on the acquisition of additive scope particles as a means to enhance discourse coherence by French learners of German as a second language. It addresses the questions of which additive devices intermediate and advanced learners produce; which possibilities of syntactic integration in relation to the added constituent they use; and whether they choose target-like information units in order to establish additive relations across utterances. Oral production data from an elicited discourse production study reveal that the form of the additive expressions among advanced learners nearly always corresponds to the pattern preferred in the target language without, however, tapping its full potential. Rather, learners overuse options that are formally but not functionally similar in both languages. This uniform behavior at the utterance level does not go hand in hand with target-like preferences for discourse organization. Native speakers of German tend to construe stretches of discourse as an answer to an implicit YES/NO question. They focus on the occurrence of events and use the assertion component to establish links and comparisons across utterances. Native speakers of French, on the other hand, prefer to construe utterances as answering implicit Wh-questions, thereby focusing discourse entities and establishing contrasts between them. Based on their first language’s entity-based utterance organization, even advanced second language learners of German are shown to use a hybrid system, establishing mainly entity-based and only a few assertion-based discourse relations.
{"title":"Additive Linking in Second Language Discourse: Lexical, Syntactic and Discourse Organizational Choices in Intermediate and Advanced Learners of L2 German with L1 French","authors":"Audrey Bonvin, C. Dimroth","doi":"10.4000/DISCOURS.9142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/DISCOURS.9142","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reports results from a study on the acquisition of additive scope particles as a means to enhance discourse coherence by French learners of German as a second language. It addresses the questions of which additive devices intermediate and advanced learners produce; which possibilities of syntactic integration in relation to the added constituent they use; and whether they choose target-like information units in order to establish additive relations across utterances. Oral production data from an elicited discourse production study reveal that the form of the additive expressions among advanced learners nearly always corresponds to the pattern preferred in the target language without, however, tapping its full potential. Rather, learners overuse options that are formally but not functionally similar in both languages. This uniform behavior at the utterance level does not go hand in hand with target-like preferences for discourse organization. Native speakers of German tend to construe stretches of discourse as an answer to an implicit YES/NO question. They focus on the occurrence of events and use the assertion component to establish links and comparisons across utterances. Native speakers of French, on the other hand, prefer to construe utterances as answering implicit Wh-questions, thereby focusing discourse entities and establishing contrasts between them. Based on their first language’s entity-based utterance organization, even advanced second language learners of German are shown to use a hybrid system, establishing mainly entity-based and only a few assertion-based discourse relations.","PeriodicalId":51977,"journal":{"name":"Discours-Revue de Linguistique Psycholinguistique et Informatique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77365186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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