The current study examines the extent to which perceptual factors may account for the emergence of assibilated variants of the alveopalatal approximant /j/ in two geographically remote varieties of Spanish. Participants from Medellin, Colombia and Santiago, Dominican Republic completed a discrimination task and a matched guise. Both tasks presented listeners with stimuli containing affricate [ʤ] and approximant [j] allophones of /j/. Participants were more accurate when discriminating between sound pairs that included the affricate allophone, suggesting that the presence of (af)frication is a salient acoustic cue upon which judgments are reliably made. Therefore, we argue that the emergence of assibilated variants ([ʤ], [ʒ]) can be explained in part by more prominent acoustic cuing and thus greater perceptual salience. Evidence of the relationship between these findings and a possible sound change in progress is observed in the association of social characteristics with [ʤ] and [j].
{"title":"The role of perceptual salience in a strengthening sound change","authors":"Nofiya Denbaum-Restrepo, Eliot Raynor","doi":"10.1075/sic.20047.den","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.20047.den","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The current study examines the extent to which perceptual factors may account for the emergence of assibilated\u0000 variants of the alveopalatal approximant /j/ in two geographically remote varieties of Spanish. Participants from Medellin,\u0000 Colombia and Santiago, Dominican Republic completed a discrimination task and a matched guise. Both tasks presented listeners with\u0000 stimuli containing affricate [ʤ] and approximant [j] allophones of /j/. Participants were more accurate when discriminating\u0000 between sound pairs that included the affricate allophone, suggesting that the presence of (af)frication is a salient acoustic cue\u0000 upon which judgments are reliably made. Therefore, we argue that the emergence of assibilated variants ([ʤ], [ʒ]) can be explained\u0000 in part by more prominent acoustic cuing and thus greater perceptual salience. Evidence of the relationship between these findings\u0000 and a possible sound change in progress is observed in the association of social characteristics with [ʤ] and [j].","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":"40 40","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139442439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines the use of discourse markers among speakers of Spanish residing in Tijuana, Mexican immigrants in San Diego, and heritage Spanish speakers in San Diego. We find a core set of discourse markers that is common to all speakers, as well as subsets of discourse markers for Tijuana, San Diego immigrant, and San Diego heritage speakers. Four English discourse markers are attested in the border: okay as a general, established borrowing; so only among immigrant and heritage speakers; and like and you know only among heritage speakers. In a language-contact situation, discourse markers whose lexical content is less analyzable and whose functions are more operational detach first from the pragmatically-dominant language (Matras 1998). We find that the operational properties of okay, like, and you know make them borrowable into the Spanish of the border. However, so is borrowed in San Diego with operational and content-related features by heritage speakers, and with content-related features only by immigrant speakers.
本研究考察了居住在蒂华纳的西班牙语使用者、圣地亚哥的墨西哥移民和圣地亚哥的传统西班牙语使用者对话语标记的使用情况。我们发现，所有讲西班牙语的人都有一套核心的话语标记，蒂华纳、圣地亚哥移民和圣地亚哥传统讲西班牙语的人也有一些子集的话语标记。在边境地区，有四种英语话语标记得到了证实：okay 是一种通用的、固定的借用语；so 仅在移民和传统语言使用者中使用；like 和 you know 仅在传统语言使用者中使用。在语言接触的情况下，词汇内容可分析性较低而功能操作性较强的话语标记首先会从语用主导语言中分离出来（Matras，1998 年）。我们发现，okay、like 和 you know 的操作属性使它们可以被借用到边境地区的西班牙语中。然而，在圣地亚哥，说传统语言的人借用 "so "具有操作和内容相关的特征，而说移民语言的人只借用 "so "具有内容相关的特征。
{"title":"Discourse markers in Spanish in the Tijuana-San Diego border area","authors":"R. Mata, John Moore","doi":"10.1075/sic.21002.mat","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.21002.mat","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study examines the use of discourse markers among speakers of Spanish residing in Tijuana, Mexican immigrants\u0000 in San Diego, and heritage Spanish speakers in San Diego. We find a core set of discourse markers that is common to all speakers,\u0000 as well as subsets of discourse markers for Tijuana, San Diego immigrant, and San Diego heritage speakers. Four English discourse\u0000 markers are attested in the border: okay as a general, established borrowing; so only among\u0000 immigrant and heritage speakers; and like and you know only among heritage speakers. In a\u0000 language-contact situation, discourse markers whose lexical content is less analyzable and whose functions are more operational\u0000 detach first from the pragmatically-dominant language (Matras 1998). We find that the\u0000 operational properties of okay, like, and you know make them borrowable into the Spanish of the\u0000 border. However, so is borrowed in San Diego with operational and content-related features by heritage speakers,\u0000 and with content-related features only by immigrant speakers.","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":"56 28","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138949357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
¿Sabes? y ¿entiendes? son partículas discursivas de control del contacto que desempeñan una función fático-apelativa, en mayor o menor medida fática o apelativa, a la que se añade ya sea como valor principal o subsidiario un valor modalizador, intensificador y, ocasionalmente, atenuante. En su descripción se subraya a menudo la importancia de la prosodia como rasgo determinante para establecer su función, pero son pocos los estudios que analizan de forma exhaustiva dicho comportamiento prosódico. Nuestra hipótesis de partida es que la diversidad funcional de estos marcadores va asociada a su versatilidad prosódica en virtud, entre otros factores, de la posición que ocupan en el discurso, atendiendo al modelo de unidades del discurso oral del Grupo Val.Es.Co. (Grupo Val.Es.Co. 2014). Analizamos así su realización prosódica para poder llegar a establecer tendencias de regularidad que enriquezcan su descripción: se trata de una propuesta que aúna los criterios funcional, posicional y prosódico.
{"title":"Partículas discursivas y prosodia","authors":"Antonio Hidalgo, Antonio Briz Gómez","doi":"10.1075/sic.21027.hid","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.21027.hid","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 ¿Sabes? y ¿entiendes? son partículas discursivas de control del contacto que\u0000 desempeñan una función fático-apelativa, en mayor o menor medida fática o apelativa, a la que se añade ya sea como valor principal\u0000 o subsidiario un valor modalizador, intensificador y, ocasionalmente, atenuante. En su descripción se subraya a menudo la\u0000 importancia de la prosodia como rasgo determinante para establecer su función, pero son pocos los estudios que analizan de forma\u0000 exhaustiva dicho comportamiento prosódico. Nuestra hipótesis de partida es que la diversidad funcional de estos marcadores va\u0000 asociada a su versatilidad prosódica en virtud, entre otros factores, de la posición que ocupan en el discurso, atendiendo al\u0000 modelo de unidades del discurso oral del Grupo Val.Es.Co. (Grupo Val.Es.Co. 2014).\u0000 Analizamos así su realización prosódica para poder llegar a establecer tendencias de regularidad que enriquezcan su descripción:\u0000 se trata de una propuesta que aúna los criterios funcional, posicional y prosódico.","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":"2 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138949148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
States, long considered a homogeneous event class, have been shown to actually decompose into sufficiently distinct aspectual types. Davidsonian and Kimian statives (Maienborn 2008; Rothmayr 2009), for instance, show a major contrast in presence/absence of event-related properties, including finer-grained (sub)class distinctions. Within the Davidsonian (mixed eventive-stative) type, a novel class has been identified using Spanish data as reference (Marín and McNally 2011). This class, dubbed inchoative stative is characterized by including a left boundary (Piñón 1997) marking the temporal onset of the state. We focus on documented Old Spanish data to argue that non-eventive (Kimian-like) left-bounded states are also possible. We note that productive combinations of the locative copula estar ‘be-loc’ with past participles of specific verbs produce distinct selectional and interpretive patterns defined by (i) pure states (homogenous spatial situation); (ii) no change-of-state/location denotation; (iii) left boundary. If correct, data suggest that inchoative stativity is not necessarily a Davidsonian type of predication; and that two distinct types of inchoative statives should be carefully differentiated under (more) specific criteria.
{"title":"Stativity and inchoativity","authors":"M. E. Mangialavori Rasia, Josep Ausensi","doi":"10.1075/sic.00094.man","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.00094.man","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 States, long considered a homogeneous event class, have been shown to actually decompose into sufficiently\u0000 distinct aspectual types. Davidsonian and Kimian statives (Maienborn 2008; Rothmayr 2009), for instance, show a major contrast in presence/absence of event-related\u0000 properties, including finer-grained (sub)class distinctions. Within the Davidsonian (mixed eventive-stative) type, a novel class\u0000 has been identified using Spanish data as reference (Marín and McNally 2011). This\u0000 class, dubbed inchoative stative is characterized by including a left boundary (Piñón 1997) marking the temporal onset of the state. We focus on documented Old Spanish data to argue\u0000 that non-eventive (Kimian-like) left-bounded states are also possible. We note that productive combinations of the locative copula\u0000 estar ‘be-loc’ with past participles of specific verbs produce distinct selectional and\u0000 interpretive patterns defined by (i) pure states (homogenous spatial situation); (ii) no change-of-state/location denotation;\u0000 (iii) left boundary. If correct, data suggest that inchoative stativity is not necessarily a Davidsonian type of\u0000 predication; and that two distinct types of inchoative statives should be carefully differentiated under (more) specific\u0000 criteria.","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":"35 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139007578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Michael Gradoville, Mark Waltermire, Audrey Chery, Sofía Fernandez, Avizia Long
In Border Uruguayan Spanish, intervocalic voiced obstruents have been known to be produced as stops due to the variety’s contact with Portuguese. The present study investigates intervocalic /ɡ/ in a corpus of sociolinguistic interviews. Using an acoustic measure, a consonant-vowel intensity ratio, as an index of constriction of /ɡ/, we found that, similar to /b/ and /d/, the speaker’s age, Spanish use, and sex have a strong impact on the realization of intervocalic /ɡ/. Specifically, younger speakers, those that speak Spanish most of the time, and men are likely to use less constricted variants such as approximants and elision. Given the parallels that these results have with findings of studies of intervocalic /d/ and, to a lesser extent, /b/ in this variety, we discuss support for the notion that the three phonemes behave as a series and not independently.
{"title":"Intervocalic /ɡ/ realization in Border Uruguayan Spanish","authors":"Michael Gradoville, Mark Waltermire, Audrey Chery, Sofía Fernandez, Avizia Long","doi":"10.1075/sic.00096.gra","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.00096.gra","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In Border Uruguayan Spanish, intervocalic voiced obstruents have been known to be produced as stops due to the variety’s contact with Portuguese. The present study investigates intervocalic /ɡ/ in a corpus of sociolinguistic interviews. Using an acoustic measure, a consonant-vowel intensity ratio, as an index of constriction of /ɡ/, we found that, similar to /b/ and /d/, the speaker’s age, Spanish use, and sex have a strong impact on the realization of intervocalic /ɡ/. Specifically, younger speakers, those that speak Spanish most of the time, and men are likely to use less constricted variants such as approximants and elision. Given the parallels that these results have with findings of studies of intervocalic /d/ and, to a lesser extent, /b/ in this variety, we discuss support for the notion that the three phonemes behave as a series and not independently.","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":"72 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138595921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This variationist study analyzes the first-person subject pronoun expression (SPE) of speakers from Quito, Ecuador. To date, this morphosyntactic variable has not been explored in this Andean variety of Spanish. The data consists of 20 sociolinguistic interviews. Results reveal an SPE rate of 17%, comparable to other Andean Spanish varieties. As per Rbrul’s quantitative analysis, the predictors that promote the presence of the ‘yo’ in this variety of Spanish are co-referential Priming, switch reference, ambiguous TMA endings and main clauses. In addition, following Orozco and Hurtado (2021) , lexical effects of the verb were observed by analyzing the verb lemma. This predictor revealed similarly opposing tendencies between verbs in the same lexical category. This study adds to the growing body of SPE research by examining which linguistic variables influence the use of ‘yo’ in this Ecuadorian Andean Spanish (EAS) variety and comparing these results to those of other Andean Spanish varieties.
{"title":"First person singular subject pronoun expression of young Spanish speakers from Quito, Ecuador","authors":"Leslie Del Carpio","doi":"10.1075/sic.21015.del","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.21015.del","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This variationist study analyzes the first-person subject pronoun expression (SPE) of speakers from Quito, Ecuador. To date, this morphosyntactic variable has not been explored in this Andean variety of Spanish. The data consists of 20 sociolinguistic interviews. Results reveal an SPE rate of 17%, comparable to other Andean Spanish varieties. As per Rbrul’s quantitative analysis, the predictors that promote the presence of the ‘yo’ in this variety of Spanish are co-referential Priming, switch reference, ambiguous TMA endings and main clauses. In addition, following Orozco and Hurtado (2021) , lexical effects of the verb were observed by analyzing the verb lemma. This predictor revealed similarly opposing tendencies between verbs in the same lexical category. This study adds to the growing body of SPE research by examining which linguistic variables influence the use of ‘yo’ in this Ecuadorian Andean Spanish (EAS) variety and comparing these results to those of other Andean Spanish varieties.","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":"43 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134900793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Discovering, comparing, and contrasting natural kinds is critical for scientific progress. It should be the goal of linguistic inquiry to seek out natural kinds within and between languages. Unfortunately, the most common definition of a copula is consistently inadequate for categorizing and comparing the data in cross-linguistic research on this topic. The categories of pseudo-copula and semi-copula have been offered to account for constructions which resemble the copular relationship between subject and complement, though with added meaning in that relationship. I will argue that copulas, defined more broadly, function in diverse ways cross-linguistically to instantiate the alterable feature-driven relationship between subject and complement. This article presents a gradient view of copulas based on a set of binary featural parameters with which a language may represent with one or more copulas. A formal description of this phenomena is also offered within in the framework of Distributed Morphology, building on Wilson (2020) .
{"title":"The case for broader copulas","authors":"Daniel Wilson","doi":"10.1075/sic.00092.wil","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.00092.wil","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Discovering, comparing, and contrasting natural kinds is critical for scientific progress. It should be the goal of linguistic inquiry to seek out natural kinds within and between languages. Unfortunately, the most common definition of a copula is consistently inadequate for categorizing and comparing the data in cross-linguistic research on this topic. The categories of pseudo-copula and semi-copula have been offered to account for constructions which resemble the copular relationship between subject and complement, though with added meaning in that relationship. I will argue that copulas, defined more broadly, function in diverse ways cross-linguistically to instantiate the alterable feature-driven relationship between subject and complement. This article presents a gradient view of copulas based on a set of binary featural parameters with which a language may represent with one or more copulas. A formal description of this phenomena is also offered within in the framework of Distributed Morphology, building on Wilson (2020) .","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":"5 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135933685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Spanish copula verb estar is currently taking part in two of the most well-known paths of semantic change across different dialectal varieties of Spanish: (a) as a main copula verb, in its encroachment on the domain of ser, and (b) as the auxiliary in the Present Progressive marker, as it encroaches in the domain of the Simple Present form (i.e., Sánchez-Alonso 2018 ; Fuchs 2020 ). Here we argue for the hypothesis that estar ’s participation in both paths of change is not coincidental. Focusing on the copular use, we present arguments for the proposal that estar ’s encroachment is connected to its lexico-conceptual structure, which, under specific communicative pressures, is afforded greater conversational informativity, thus systematically expanding its licensing contexts and, as a result, bolstering its use. Evidence consistent with this analysis emerges from use variation for estar across several dialects of Spanish, both in its copular and auxiliary uses.
{"title":"Cognitive underpinnings of the meaning of Spanish <i>estar</i>","authors":"María Mercedes Piñango, Martín Fuchs","doi":"10.1075/sic.00095.pin","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.00095.pin","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Spanish copula verb estar is currently taking part in two of the most well-known paths of semantic change across different dialectal varieties of Spanish: (a) as a main copula verb, in its encroachment on the domain of ser, and (b) as the auxiliary in the Present Progressive marker, as it encroaches in the domain of the Simple Present form (i.e., Sánchez-Alonso 2018 ; Fuchs 2020 ). Here we argue for the hypothesis that estar ’s participation in both paths of change is not coincidental. Focusing on the copular use, we present arguments for the proposal that estar ’s encroachment is connected to its lexico-conceptual structure, which, under specific communicative pressures, is afforded greater conversational informativity, thus systematically expanding its licensing contexts and, as a result, bolstering its use. Evidence consistent with this analysis emerges from use variation for estar across several dialects of Spanish, both in its copular and auxiliary uses.","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":"64 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135933811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Bonnin (2019): Discourse and Mental Health: Voice, Inequality and Resistance in Medical Settings","authors":"Dalia Magaña","doi":"10.1075/sic.00090.mag","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.00090.mag","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44154505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A sentence like María está muy guapa (‘María looks very pretty’) attributes the property of being pretty to María but also conveys the assumption that the state-of-affairs described is based on direct experience. Several explanatory hypotheses are found in the literature to account for this fact: (i) experientiality is a property of the copula estar; (ii) experientiality is an effect of contextual factors; and (iii) experientiality is the result of resolving the aspectual mismatch produced by combining estar with an Individual-Level Predicate (ILP). To test the predictions of these hypotheses, a comprehension-based survey was carried out. Participants were given isolated copular sentences with estar followed by either an ILP or an SLP (Stage-Level Predicate). Using a 5-point Likert scale, they had to rate how likely it was that the utterer had direct experience about the quality s/he was asserting. The results show a significant preference for the experiential interpretation in estar+ILP, an outcome that is consistent only with the hypothesis that the linguistic mismatch found in estar+ILP is enough to induce the accommodation of a direct experience presupposition.
像María est muy guapa (' María看起来很漂亮')这样的句子将漂亮的属性归因于María，但也传达了一种假设，即所描述的事态是基于直接经验的。在文献中发现了几个解释性假设来解释这一事实:(i)经验性是联结星的属性;(ii)经验性是环境因素的影响;(iii)经验性是通过将star与个人水平谓词(ILP)相结合来解决方面不匹配的结果。为了验证这些假设的预测，进行了一项基于理解的调查。参与者被给予孤立的流行句子，然后是一个ILP或SLP(阶段级谓词)。使用5分李克特量表，他们必须评估说话者对他所声称的质量有直接经验的可能性。结果显示，在estar+ILP中，人们对经验解释有明显的偏好，这一结果与在estar+ILP中发现的语言不匹配足以诱导直接经验预设的适应这一假设是一致的。
{"title":"Estar+ILP","authors":"M. V. Escandell-Vidal","doi":"10.1075/sic.00089.esc","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.00089.esc","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 A sentence like María está muy guapa (‘María looks very pretty’) attributes the property of being\u0000 pretty to María but also conveys the assumption that the state-of-affairs described is based on direct experience. Several\u0000 explanatory hypotheses are found in the literature to account for this fact: (i) experientiality is a property of the copula\u0000 estar; (ii) experientiality is an effect of contextual factors; and (iii) experientiality is the result of\u0000 resolving the aspectual mismatch produced by combining estar with an Individual-Level Predicate (ILP). To test\u0000 the predictions of these hypotheses, a comprehension-based survey was carried out. Participants were given isolated copular\u0000 sentences with estar followed by either an ILP or an SLP (Stage-Level Predicate). Using a 5-point Likert scale,\u0000 they had to rate how likely it was that the utterer had direct experience about the quality s/he was asserting. The results show a\u0000 significant preference for the experiential interpretation in estar+ILP, an outcome that is consistent only with\u0000 the hypothesis that the linguistic mismatch found in estar+ILP is enough to induce the accommodation of a direct\u0000 experience presupposition.","PeriodicalId":44431,"journal":{"name":"Spanish in Context","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48909744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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