Alchemy is the “sacred art” of the transmutation of metals or human beings, and often these two tendencies are expressed together in an allegorical mode infused with an astrological imager reflecting their mystical nature. The astrology is bound to alchemy in the search for the most favorable moment for commencing an enterprise (catarchic astrology) or in the form of the interrogational method, in which the horoscope of the precise moment at which a query is made to the astrologer is interpreted to provide an answer. Finally, the article illustrates these themes in some ancient manuscripts from Turin’s National University Library.
{"title":"Astrologie alchemiche: Ermetismi in transizione e culture occidentali","authors":"E. Albrile","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/2261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/2261","url":null,"abstract":"Alchemy is the “sacred art” of the transmutation of metals or human beings, and often these two tendencies are expressed together in an allegorical mode infused with an astrological imager reflecting their mystical nature. The astrology is bound to alchemy in the search for the most favorable moment for commencing an enterprise (catarchic astrology) or in the form of the interrogational method, in which the horoscope of the precise moment at which a query is made to the astrologer is interpreted to provide an answer. Finally, the article illustrates these themes in some ancient manuscripts from Turin’s National University Library.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43004215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This contribution describes the emergence of print technology in Sri Lanka and the role it played in shaping modern Sri Lankan Buddhism, as exemplified by the case study of the textual transmission of the Mahāvaṃsa , a chronicle of the history of Sri Lanka. The first part is devoted to a description of the reception of this work in the European scholarly tradition, followed by a brief examination of the interaction of oral and manuscript transmission of Buddhist texts in pre-modern Sri Lankan Buddhist culture and society. Vaṃsa literature can be seen as a product of the change from orality to writing. The establishment of printing culture in the nineteenth century however changed the status of this type of literature. The rediscovery of vaṃsa literature by European scholars caused a change in the reception and use of this genre in Sri Lanka. Thus, in recent times vaṃsa s are seen as historical literature and play an important part in Sinhala Nationalism.
{"title":"Hoisted by their Own Petard: The Emergence of Sri Lankan Buddhist Printing and Counter-Christian Activities","authors":"Ann-Kathrin Bretfeld-Wolf","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/2266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/2266","url":null,"abstract":"This contribution describes the emergence of print technology in Sri Lanka and the role it played in shaping modern Sri Lankan Buddhism, as exemplified by the case study of the textual transmission of the Mahāvaṃsa , a chronicle of the history of Sri Lanka. The first part is devoted to a description of the reception of this work in the European scholarly tradition, followed by a brief examination of the interaction of oral and manuscript transmission of Buddhist texts in pre-modern Sri Lankan Buddhist culture and society. Vaṃsa literature can be seen as a product of the change from orality to writing. The establishment of printing culture in the nineteenth century however changed the status of this type of literature. The rediscovery of vaṃsa literature by European scholars caused a change in the reception and use of this genre in Sri Lanka. Thus, in recent times vaṃsa s are seen as historical literature and play an important part in Sinhala Nationalism.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46605374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper looks at the position of women in Indian asceticism through an historical and anthropological perspective. Introducing at first the traditional view that Brahmanic texts offer on the topic - women are innately impure therefore they do not have a natural inclination to dharma- the paper goes on demonstrating that women have always found ascetic paths to answer their religious quests. However, for these paths were jagged by social obstacles, women often lived their religious experience as a private one or had to cut the social norms in a revolutionary way to follow them. As a result of this discouragement, female participation remains low to be acknowledged and to become a normal reality rather than an exceptional one by the Indian lay and ascetic societies. Through examples from the past and the present, this paper shows that asceticism was and still is a path to realize an individual empowerment for those women who deliberately choose it. In contemporary India, the role of female ascetics is improving thanks to the new historical background: some have gained a position in traditional orthodox groups, others have created their own sect, and some others have become predominant activists in political and social movements. However, these female ascetics and gurus are still recognized as extraordinary, exceptional individuals. Women in the sādhu samāj continue to experience sometimes discriminations and difficulties, as they cannot strive for the highest assignments but in exceptional cases and outstanding characters. Therefore, as the case study of Rām Priya Dās presented in this paper demonstrates, the path to asceticism is still hard to follow and it needs a deep motivation and a strong personality to face the opposition of family and society.
{"title":"Are women entitled to become ascetics? An historical andethnographic glimpse on female asceticism in Hindu religions","authors":"Daniela Bevilacqua","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/2269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/2269","url":null,"abstract":"This paper looks at the position of women in Indian asceticism through an historical and anthropological perspective. Introducing at first the traditional view that Brahmanic texts offer on the topic - women are innately impure therefore they do not have a natural inclination to dharma- the paper goes on demonstrating that women have always found ascetic paths to answer their religious quests. However, for these paths were jagged by social obstacles, women often lived their religious experience as a private one or had to cut the social norms in a revolutionary way to follow them. As a result of this discouragement, female participation remains low to be acknowledged and to become a normal reality rather than an exceptional one by the Indian lay and ascetic societies. Through examples from the past and the present, this paper shows that asceticism was and still is a path to realize an individual empowerment for those women who deliberately choose it. In contemporary India, the role of female ascetics is improving thanks to the new historical background: some have gained a position in traditional orthodox groups, others have created their own sect, and some others have become predominant activists in political and social movements. However, these female ascetics and gurus are still recognized as extraordinary, exceptional individuals. Women in the sādhu samāj continue to experience sometimes discriminations and difficulties, as they cannot strive for the highest assignments but in exceptional cases and outstanding characters. Therefore, as the case study of Rām Priya Dās presented in this paper demonstrates, the path to asceticism is still hard to follow and it needs a deep motivation and a strong personality to face the opposition of family and society.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66233621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the Nyāyasūtra s (NS) , the fundamental text of the Nyāya tradition, testimony is defined as a statement of a reliable speaker ( āpta ). According to the NS, such a speaker should possess three qualities: competence, honesty and desire to speak. The content of a discourse, including the prescriptions, is also considered reliable due to the status of a given author and the person that communicated it. The Polish philosopher J.M. Bochenski similarly stresses the role of a speaker; he holds that an authoritative source (whose discourse is called testimony) should be competent and truthful. The conditions of trust and superiority also apply. According to Bochenski, being an authority entails a special relation—it has a subject, object and field. Notably, Bochenski develops his own typology of testimony by distinguishing between what he calls epistemic and deontic authority. He asks questions such as: Who can be the subject of an authoritative statement? Which features should the speaker possess? How is authority recognised? Is there a universal or an absolute authority? What is the field of authority? Moreover, which qualities should the listener possess? The Nyāya philosophers, both the ancient ones, like Akṣapāda Gautama, Vātsyāyana, Vācaspati Miśra, and the contemporary scholars of Nyāya, such as B. K. Matilal and J. Ganeri, were also concerned with these issues. The aim of this paper is to discuss the above points in a comparative manner. I will argue that both Bochenski’s and the Nyāya accounts share very similar perspectives and encounter analogous problems.
在Nyāya传统的基础文本Nyāyasūtra s (NS)中，证词被定义为可靠的说话者的陈述(āpta)。根据国家标准，这样的演讲者应该具备三个品质:能力、诚实和说话的欲望。话语的内容，包括处方，也被认为是可靠的，因为给定的作者和传播它的人的地位。波兰哲学家博钦斯基(J.M. Bochenski)同样强调说话者的作用;他认为权威来源(其话语被称为证词)应该是有能力和真实的。信任和优越的条件也同样适用。根据博钦斯基的说法，作为权威需要一种特殊的关系——它有主体、客体和领域。值得注意的是，博钦斯基通过区分他所谓的认识论权威和道义权威，发展了自己的见证类型学。他提出了这样的问题:谁可以成为权威声明的主体?说话者应该具备哪些特征?权威是如何被认可的?有一个普遍的或绝对的权威吗?什么是权威领域?此外，听众应该具备哪些品质?Nyāya哲学家，无论是古代的，如Akṣapāda乔达摩，Vātsyāyana, Vācaspati Miśra，还是当代的Nyāya学者，如B. K.玛蒂拉尔和J.加尼里，也都关注这些问题。本文的目的是以比较的方式来讨论以上几点。我认为博钦斯基和Nyāya的观点非常相似，遇到了类似的问题。
{"title":"Reliability of a Speaker and Recognition of a Listener: Bocheński and Nyāya on the Relation of Authority","authors":"Agnieszka Rostalska","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/2256","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/2256","url":null,"abstract":"In the Nyāyasūtra s (NS) , the fundamental text of the Nyāya tradition, testimony is defined as a statement of a reliable speaker ( āpta ). According to the NS, such a speaker should possess three qualities: competence, honesty and desire to speak. The content of a discourse, including the prescriptions, is also considered reliable due to the status of a given author and the person that communicated it. The Polish philosopher J.M. Bochenski similarly stresses the role of a speaker; he holds that an authoritative source (whose discourse is called testimony) should be competent and truthful. The conditions of trust and superiority also apply. According to Bochenski, being an authority entails a special relation—it has a subject, object and field. Notably, Bochenski develops his own typology of testimony by distinguishing between what he calls epistemic and deontic authority. He asks questions such as: Who can be the subject of an authoritative statement? Which features should the speaker possess? How is authority recognised? Is there a universal or an absolute authority? What is the field of authority? Moreover, which qualities should the listener possess? The Nyāya philosophers, both the ancient ones, like Akṣapāda Gautama, Vātsyāyana, Vācaspati Miśra, and the contemporary scholars of Nyāya, such as B. K. Matilal and J. Ganeri, were also concerned with these issues. The aim of this paper is to discuss the above points in a comparative manner. I will argue that both Bochenski’s and the Nyāya accounts share very similar perspectives and encounter analogous problems.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"152 1","pages":"155-173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66233567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Kulango of Nassian, a Gur people living mainly in the North-Eastern territory of modern Ivory Coast, with a few villages scattered along the border in Ghana, are sedentary horticulturalists, whose relationships with the plant-kingdom they live in, share many characteristics with those typical of the Abron-Akan groups, but also of some Gur/Voltaic communities they live in contact with. Aim of this paper is to provide some examples of how these bi-dimensional cultural influences melted together giving life to the present day Kulango cultural identity. The discussion is divided into three different parts. Paragraph 2. contains an overview of the two most important ceremonial events of the Kulango agricultural calendar: a) the typically Akan yam feast and b) the typically Gur pearl-millet feast. In paragraph 3. the focus moves towards the peculiar role of a tree, which the Kulango call the laasagyo and of two other vegetal elements which are still very important in the modern Kulango social world: a) palm wine, or taŋa in Kulango, and b) the kola nut, or pɛsɛ in Kulango. Paragraph 4. will be devoted to an ethnolinguistic study of the conceptualizations of what is a plant and what is a mushroom according to the Kulango Weltanschaauung.
Nassian的Kulango是一个居尔人，主要生活在现代象牙海岸的东北部地区，在加纳边境散布着一些村庄，他们是定居的园艺师，他们与植物王国的关系与那些典型的Abron-Akan群体有许多共同的特征，但也与他们生活的一些居尔/伏打社区有联系。本文的目的是提供一些例子，说明这些双重文化影响如何融合在一起，赋予今天的库兰戈文化身份以生命。讨论分为三个不同的部分。段2。包含了Kulango农业日历中两个最重要的仪式事件的概述:a)典型的阿坎山药盛宴和b)典型的Gur珍珠小米盛宴。第3段。重点转向了树的特殊作用，库兰戈人称之为laasagyo，以及另外两种在现代库兰戈社会中仍然非常重要的植物元素:a)棕榈酒，在库兰戈语中称为taŋa, b)可拉坚果，在库兰戈语中称为p æ s æ。段4。根据Kulango Weltanschaauung，将致力于对什么是植物和什么是蘑菇的概念进行民族语言学研究。
{"title":"Living a Kulango Life: Examples of Socialization under the Shadow of the Laasagyo","authors":"Ilaria Micheli","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/1877","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/1877","url":null,"abstract":"The Kulango of Nassian, a Gur people living mainly in the North-Eastern territory of modern Ivory Coast, with a few villages scattered along the border in Ghana, are sedentary horticulturalists, whose relationships with the plant-kingdom they live in, share many characteristics with those typical of the Abron-Akan groups, but also of some Gur/Voltaic communities they live in contact with. Aim of this paper is to provide some examples of how these bi-dimensional cultural influences melted together giving life to the present day Kulango cultural identity. The discussion is divided into three different parts. Paragraph 2. contains an overview of the two most important ceremonial events of the Kulango agricultural calendar: a) the typically Akan yam feast and b) the typically Gur pearl-millet feast. In paragraph 3. the focus moves towards the peculiar role of a tree, which the Kulango call the laasagyo and of two other vegetal elements which are still very important in the modern Kulango social world: a) palm wine, or taŋa in Kulango, and b) the kola nut, or pɛsɛ in Kulango. Paragraph 4. will be devoted to an ethnolinguistic study of the conceptualizations of what is a plant and what is a mushroom according to the Kulango Weltanschaauung.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66232145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This contribution stems from field research carried out in the bedik community in the South-Eastern Senegal. It has the objective of investigating the relational and symbolic dimension between man and nature, between knowledge and territory, based on the recognition of the social, cultural and territorial practices and knowledge of this population. The first section of the research is dedicated to the reconstruction of experience and habits, including the symbolic ones, concerning the use, access and exploitation of the natural resources which refer to territorial knowledge that show the – complex and multidimensional – relationship that man develops the natural environment. This attempts to demonstrate how this encourages certain kinds of “social” relations that are expressed through traditional ritual practices not only with the spirits of ancestors, but also and above all with the surrounding plant/animal world. From the ancestral link between man-made and natural environments, between the village and the bush – whose traditional knowledge are a cultural and social elaboration and correspond to precise skills - stem overlaps and interactions between the social processes and the ecological processes that regulate these two worlds: actions, both symbolic and immaterial, but also of a material nature, that in the bedik society serve as regulative and normative functions. From here the need to investigate which cause and effect relationships underlie this kind of social device of management and control. The elaboration of this research has invoked the contribution of certain methodological tools of visual analysis on which a geographical interpretation has been applied, namely a privileged view with which to observe the “territorial system” of the bedik society.
{"title":"Interrelationship between social and ecological processes among the Bedik of Eastern Senegal","authors":"G. Chiusano","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/1878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/1878","url":null,"abstract":"This contribution stems from field research carried out in the bedik community in the South-Eastern Senegal. It has the objective of investigating the relational and symbolic dimension between man and nature, between knowledge and territory, based on the recognition of the social, cultural and territorial practices and knowledge of this population. The first section of the research is dedicated to the reconstruction of experience and habits, including the symbolic ones, concerning the use, access and exploitation of the natural resources which refer to territorial knowledge that show the – complex and multidimensional – relationship that man develops the natural environment. This attempts to demonstrate how this encourages certain kinds of “social” relations that are expressed through traditional ritual practices not only with the spirits of ancestors, but also and above all with the surrounding plant/animal world. From the ancestral link between man-made and natural environments, between the village and the bush – whose traditional knowledge are a cultural and social elaboration and correspond to precise skills - stem overlaps and interactions between the social processes and the ecological processes that regulate these two worlds: actions, both symbolic and immaterial, but also of a material nature, that in the bedik society serve as regulative and normative functions. From here the need to investigate which cause and effect relationships underlie this kind of social device of management and control. The elaboration of this research has invoked the contribution of certain methodological tools of visual analysis on which a geographical interpretation has been applied, namely a privileged view with which to observe the “territorial system” of the bedik society.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66232175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The BaNande, farmers of the hills of the North Kivu (Democratic Republic of the Congo), call themselves proudly abakondi , the young and strong men who cut down the trees, who destroy the forest. Almost their entire culture is based on the principle of the “cut” ( eritwa ), as well as their social and political organization is due to the historical achievement of their territory wrested from the forest. Even the erotic activity is designed with the typical categories of abakondi . But the traditional culture of the BaNande was not geared only to this sense of conquest of the forest. The author of this article tries to show how the forest ( omusitu ) would be made to survive in different ways. First, not all of the forest was destroyed. Indeed islands of forest remain here and there, such as supplies of food, timber, medicines, as memory of what had been destroyed, and as headquarters of the forest spirits. Second, whenever a chief died, he was buried on his hill not underground, but imprisoned by the trees of the forest planted all around his body. These tree tombs, real historical monuments of vegetable nature, are called by the BaNande amahero and are designed as “small forest” (singular akasitu ). Finally it was diffused in the nande culture the awareness that the destruction of the forest doesn’t happen with impunity. The pride of abakondi is replaced by the recognition of omusitu (forest) as autonomous world, which demands to be at least partially preserved, both physically in the territory, both as an entity with even “consciousness”. Once, the BaNande thought of not being able to break free from this consciousness, and this ecological anxiety emerged especially in the most significant moments of the reproduction of their culture, i.e. when in the olusumba (their rite of initiation in the forest) they had to form their new men. But this conscience belongs to the past: on the hills of the Bunande the “spirits of the forest” have disappeared, replaced by the “spirit of the capitalism”.
{"title":"“But the forest does know it...” Persistence of omusitu in the BaNande culture and thought (Democratic Republic of Congo)","authors":"Francesco Remotti","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/1883","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/1883","url":null,"abstract":"The BaNande, farmers of the hills of the North Kivu (Democratic Republic of the Congo), call themselves proudly abakondi , the young and strong men who cut down the trees, who destroy the forest. Almost their entire culture is based on the principle of the “cut” ( eritwa ), as well as their social and political organization is due to the historical achievement of their territory wrested from the forest. Even the erotic activity is designed with the typical categories of abakondi . But the traditional culture of the BaNande was not geared only to this sense of conquest of the forest. The author of this article tries to show how the forest ( omusitu ) would be made to survive in different ways. First, not all of the forest was destroyed. Indeed islands of forest remain here and there, such as supplies of food, timber, medicines, as memory of what had been destroyed, and as headquarters of the forest spirits. Second, whenever a chief died, he was buried on his hill not underground, but imprisoned by the trees of the forest planted all around his body. These tree tombs, real historical monuments of vegetable nature, are called by the BaNande amahero and are designed as “small forest” (singular akasitu ). Finally it was diffused in the nande culture the awareness that the destruction of the forest doesn’t happen with impunity. The pride of abakondi is replaced by the recognition of omusitu (forest) as autonomous world, which demands to be at least partially preserved, both physically in the territory, both as an entity with even “consciousness”. Once, the BaNande thought of not being able to break free from this consciousness, and this ecological anxiety emerged especially in the most significant moments of the reproduction of their culture, i.e. when in the olusumba (their rite of initiation in the forest) they had to form their new men. But this conscience belongs to the past: on the hills of the Bunande the “spirits of the forest” have disappeared, replaced by the “spirit of the capitalism”.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66232265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the middle of the XVII century the Discalced Carmelite Padre Vincenzo Maria of Saint Caterina of Siena visited India and, when he returned, drew up his travel account, titled Il Viaggio alle Indie Orientali . This work plays a key role in the context of Italian travel accounts about India. However, despite its importance, it is rather surprising that no significant research has been conducted to investigate in deep this text, edited for the last time in 1683. The aim of the present paper is to pursue its analysis, in particular offering an etymological research and a critical examination of a consistent part of the botanical terms mentioned and explained by Padre Vincenzo Maria. As we will show, many of these terms appeared for the first time, in an Italian text and in some few cases in an European one, in Padre Vincenzo Maria’ s work.
十七世纪中叶，锡耶纳圣卡特琳娜的加尔默罗会教士文森佐·玛丽亚(Vincenzo Maria)访问了印度，当他回来时，他写了一份旅行记录，名为《独立东方》(Il Viaggio alle Indie Orientali)。这项工作在意大利关于印度的旅行记录中起着关键作用。然而，尽管它很重要，但令人惊讶的是，在1683年最后一次编辑的这篇文章中，没有进行过深入的研究。本文的目的是对其进行分析，特别是提供词源学研究和对Padre Vincenzo Maria提到和解释的植物学术语的一致部分进行批判性检查。正如我们将要展示的，这些术语中有很多是第一次出现，在意大利文本中，在欧洲文本中，在Padre Vincenzo Maria的作品中，也有一些是第一次出现。
{"title":"The botanical lexicon in “Il Viaggio all’Indie Orientali” by Father F. Vincenzo Maria di S. Caterina da Siena (1672)","authors":"A. Drocco","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/1880","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/1880","url":null,"abstract":"In the middle of the XVII century the Discalced Carmelite Padre Vincenzo Maria of Saint Caterina of Siena visited India and, when he returned, drew up his travel account, titled Il Viaggio alle Indie Orientali . This work plays a key role in the context of Italian travel accounts about India. However, despite its importance, it is rather surprising that no significant research has been conducted to investigate in deep this text, edited for the last time in 1683. The aim of the present paper is to pursue its analysis, in particular offering an etymological research and a critical examination of a consistent part of the botanical terms mentioned and explained by Padre Vincenzo Maria. As we will show, many of these terms appeared for the first time, in an Italian text and in some few cases in an European one, in Padre Vincenzo Maria’ s work.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66232214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Different species belonging to the genus Triticum, and, to a lesser extent, Hordeum, can be processed yielding a product that the ancient Greeks called χόνδρος. In this paper the production methods of χόνδροc in circum-Mediterranean countries during Antiquity will be described. Several documentary sources attest a very ancient use of χόνδρος that we find mentioned in Graeco-Egyptian papyri as early as the third century B.C. These documents have been analyzed in parallel with Greek literary sources. In particular, attention has been centred on some passages of Greek comedy (Aristophanes and other authors) that echo a debate born in Rome in the second century AD around the origin and uses of χόνδρος.
小麦属的不同品种，以及较小程度上的小麦，可以加工成一种古希腊人称之为χ ο νδρος的产品。本文叙述了古代地中海沿岸国家χ ο νδροc的生产方法。一些文献资料证明，早在公元前3世纪，我们就在希腊-埃及纸莎草纸上发现了χ ο νδρος的使用，这些文献资料与希腊文献资料同时进行了分析。特别是，人们的注意力集中在希腊喜剧(阿里斯托芬和其他作家)的一些段落上，这些段落与公元二世纪在罗马产生的关于χ ο νδρος的起源和用途的辩论相呼应。
{"title":"The Role of Precooked Staples in Everyday Life in Antiquity: Some Documentary Evidences for the Case of χόνδρος","authors":"A. Pollio, G. Mastro","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/1900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/1900","url":null,"abstract":"Different species belonging to the genus Triticum, and, to a lesser extent, Hordeum, can be processed yielding a product that the ancient Greeks called χόνδρος. In this paper the production methods of χόνδροc in circum-Mediterranean countries during Antiquity will be described. Several documentary sources attest a very ancient use of χόνδρος that we find mentioned in Graeco-Egyptian papyri as early as the third century B.C. These documents have been analyzed in parallel with Greek literary sources. In particular, attention has been centred on some passages of Greek comedy (Aristophanes and other authors) that echo a debate born in Rome in the second century AD around the origin and uses of χόνδρος.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66232300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents themes and arguments concerning the relationships between India’s middle classes and the complex meanings and materialities of the environment with reference to literary treatments in the Hindi field, drawing also on environmental, social-cultural and political literature. It focuses on examples from Hindi short stories (The neem tree by Chandan Pandey and Death of a tree by Alka Saraogi) and poetry (The killing of a tree by Kunvar Narayan), dealing with civic indifference and the public sphere; environmental activism and ecological thinking; and environmental metaphors of creative writing.
{"title":"Dying trees in globalizing Hindi literature: environment, middle classes, and posthuman awareness","authors":"A. Consolaro","doi":"10.13135/1825-263X/1942","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/1825-263X/1942","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents themes and arguments concerning the relationships between India’s middle classes and the complex meanings and materialities of the environment with reference to literary treatments in the Hindi field, drawing also on environmental, social-cultural and political literature. It focuses on examples from Hindi short stories (The neem tree by Chandan Pandey and Death of a tree by Alka Saraogi) and poetry (The killing of a tree by Kunvar Narayan), dealing with civic indifference and the public sphere; environmental activism and ecological thinking; and environmental metaphors of creative writing.","PeriodicalId":37635,"journal":{"name":"Kervan","volume":"86 1","pages":"107-124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66233542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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