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Book Reviews : SANJAY SHARMA, Famine, Philanthropy and the Colonial State: North India in the Early Nineteenth Century, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2001, pp. 256 书评:《饥荒、慈善和殖民国家:19世纪早期的北印度》,桑杰·夏尔马,德里,牛津大学出版社,2001年,第256页
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000109
V. Menon
a systematic chronological study of either politics or economics. The ’new economy’ appears without almost any comment on the old economy. Agrarian relations are covered in the most cursory manner. So are agricultural change, plantations and migrations, the major transformative forces in colonial Assam. True, these subjects have been dealt with in other well-known works, but a discussion was needed for the sake of completeness and for the reader to get a perspective on what is offered. One thus gets a rather partial view of both the new economy and the new polity. The presentation is rather poor. There are no maps, tables appear without titles and sources, and the informal writing style, while making the book very readable, gives rise to expressions that can leave some readers puzzled. The Garos’ ’periodic killing spree’, the Bhutias’ ’unpredictable and haughty’ temper, needed at least some historically grounded account. Having discussed the limitations, it needs to be stated that the three chapters that I find the strongest in the book do count as significant contributions. That, together with the great readability of the book, makes it a welcome addition to the
对政治或经济的系统的按时间顺序的研究“新经济”的出现几乎没有对旧经济进行任何评论。农业关系是最粗略的。农业变革、种植园和移民也是阿萨姆邦殖民地的主要变革力量。诚然,这些主题已经在其他著名的作品中处理过,但为了完整性和读者对所提供的内容有一个视角,需要进行讨论。因此,人们对新经济和新政体的看法都相当片面。这个报告很差。书中没有地图,出现的表格没有标题和来源,非正式的写作风格虽然使这本书可读性很强,但也产生了一些让一些读者感到困惑的表达。加罗斯家族的“周期性杀戮狂欢”,布提亚家族的“不可预测和傲慢”的脾气,至少需要一些有历史根据的解释。在讨论了局限性之后,需要说明的是,我认为这本书中最有力的三章确实是重要的贡献。这一点,再加上这本书的高可读性,使它成为一个受欢迎的补充
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引用次数: 0
Europeans in late Mughal south Asia: The perceptions of Italian missionaries 莫卧儿王朝晚期南亚的欧洲人:意大利传教士的看法
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000101
D. Lorenzen
During the last half of the eighteenth century, a group of Roman Catholic Capuchin friars from Italy were active as missionaries in various towns in Bihar and also in Chandernagore. Their principal stations in Bihar were Bettiah and Patna. Four of these missionaries wrote letters, essays, books and translations relating to their encounter with Hinduism, Indian culture, and the political events of the period. These texts shed light on what was happening in these towns during this period, and also explain in detail the reactions of the missionaries to Hindu polytheism, Hindu mythology, the caste system, and the political culture of late Mughal society. What is particularly interesting is the contrast between their perceptions, influenced by conservative Catholicism, and those of the French and British, more influenced by Enlightenment culture.
在十八世纪后半叶,一群来自意大利的罗马天主教嘉布钦修士在比哈尔邦和Chandernagore的各个城镇作为传教士活跃。他们在比哈尔邦的主要站点是贝蒂亚和巴特那。其中四位传教士写了关于他们与印度教、印度文化和当时的政治事件的信件、论文、书籍和翻译。这些文献揭示了这一时期这些城镇发生的事情,也详细解释了传教士对印度教多神教、印度教神话、种姓制度和晚期莫卧儿社会政治文化的反应。特别有趣的是,受保守天主教影响的他们的观念与受启蒙文化影响更大的法国人和英国人的观念之间的对比。
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引用次数: 5
Book Reviews : ANDREW ABBOTT, Chaos of Disciplines, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 2001, pp. 259 书评:ANDREW ABBOTT,《学科的混乱》,芝加哥,芝加哥大学出版社,2001年,第259页
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000105
Harish Naraindas
Chaos l)f ~~I.SC’I f)IllTt’.S’ is a theoretical tour deforce of the social sciences. While the last few decades have witnessed a large body of work on the structure and history of the natural sciences, there has been a surprising paucity of works that theorise the history of the social sciences. Using sociology as a stand in for the social sciences, Abbott argues that the social sciences have been unable to decide as to whether their brief is the study of facts, or the study of values (p. 35). This vacillation is reflected not only in each discipline, but also in every research tradition within the disciplines, whose practitioners soon divide into two antithetical groups of those who study facts and call for causal explanation, as against those who study values and offer inter-
混沌1)f ~~I。SC(胡)IllTt”。S’是社会科学的理论力量。在过去的几十年里,我们见证了大量关于自然科学的结构和历史的著作,而将社会科学史理论化的著作却少得惊人。阿博特用社会学来代替社会科学,他认为社会科学一直无法决定它们的目的是研究事实,还是研究价值(第35页)。这种摇摆不仅反映在每一门学科中,也反映在学科内的每一种研究传统中,这些学科的实践者很快就分成了两个对立的群体:研究事实并要求因果解释的群体,与研究价值并提供相互解释的群体
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : TIRTHANKAR ROY, The Economic History of India, 1857-1947. Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2000, pp. 318 书评:蒂坦卡尔·罗伊,《印度经济史,1857-1947》。牛津大学出版社,德里,2000,第318页
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000106
D. Ludden
University system, which through its departments and disciplines, displays and perpetuates this logic of the division of knowledge into facts and values or the sciences and the arts. The social sciences (or anything that has both mind and body like medicine), then, are not a mediating third but schizoid children of an original schism that renews itself by replication. This is a persuasive story. A story with many variants that usually begins with Descartes rather than Kant and recounts how all the solutions offered by postCartesian theorists-solutions that essentially attempt to put res cogitans and res extensa back together-have failed. And usually it is a story that is told about one side of the fact-value divide: how the attempt to study values modelled on the study of facts (positivism) is either doomed to failure, and/or the study of values ought by the same logic to be constituted differently (interpretation/narrative). This story presupposes-and Abbott’s argument certainly does-that the sciences (with the exception of the biological sciences) are not subject to this kind of
大学系统,通过其院系和学科,展示并延续了这种将知识划分为事实和价值或科学和艺术的逻辑。因此,社会科学(或任何像医学一样具有精神和身体的学科)不是第三种中介,而是原始分裂的分裂产物,通过复制自我更新。这是一个有说服力的故事。这个故事有很多变体,通常是从笛卡尔而不是康德开始的,它讲述了后笛卡尔理论家提供的所有解决方案——本质上试图将认知者和外延者重新放在一起的解决方案——是如何失败的。通常,这是一个关于事实-价值鸿沟的一面的故事:以事实研究(实证主义)为模型来研究价值的尝试是如何注定要失败的,以及/或者价值研究应该按照同样的逻辑以不同的方式构成(解释/叙述)。这个故事的前提是——艾伯特的论点当然是这样的——科学(生物科学除外)不受这种情况的影响
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : MEENA RADHAKRISHNA, Dishonoured by History? Criminal Tribes and British Colonial Policy, New Delhi, Orient Longman, 2001, pp. 192 书评:MEENA RADHAKRISHNA,被历史羞辱?犯罪部落与英国殖民政策,新德里,东方朗曼出版社,2001年,第192页
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000111
R. Ahuja
particularly oppressive piece of colonial legislation, the ’Criminal Tribes Act’ (CTA) of 1911. While the first law of this kind had been enacted four decades earlier, the 1911 Act was significant in that it further facilitated the notification of ’criminal tribes’ by authorising local officials to register members of itinerant communities and their relatives summarily, without any legal procedure, as ’hereditary criminals’ . Moreover, the act extended ’criminal tribes’ legislation for the first time to the Madras Presidency. Radhakrishna’s study focuses specifically on implications of the CTA for the South Indian Koravar, Yerukula and Koracha communities whose traditional subsistence strategies (namely itinerant salt and grain trade) had progressively failed them after the mid-nineteenth century due to the introduction of railways, investment in roads and colonial revenue policies. Contextualising the debate on ’criminal tribes’ in the wider Victorian discourse on ’crime’, the author points out that British administrators in India laid far less emphasis on eugenic than on sociological ’explanations’ of crime. Hence nomadic communities were deemed to be criminal not because of their genetic disposition, but rather due to ’irrational’ habits (e.g., allegedly ’aimless wandering’), ‘immoral’ customs (e.g., easy divorce) and to a loss of traditional means of subsistence. ’Criminal tribes’, therefore, required civilisational effort, i.e., education backed up by coercion, and this was what the CTAs were intended to provide a legal framework for. Koravars, Yerukulas and Korachas, like other nomadic communities, had combined itinerant trade with other economic activities such as cattle breeding and the production of bamboo items. Yet when pack bullocks were increasingly replaced by carts and railways, when itinerant traders were sidelined by merchant firms, the colonial administration concluded that these communities had lost all ’visible sources of income’ and were, therefore, bound to take to crime. This was
1911年的《犯罪部落法》(CTA),这是一项特别压迫性的殖民立法。虽然第一部此类法律早在40年前就颁布了,但1911年的法案意义重大,因为它进一步促进了“犯罪部落”的通报,授权地方官员在没有任何法律程序的情况下,将流动社区的成员及其亲属迅速登记为“世袭罪犯”。此外,该法案首次将“犯罪部落”立法扩展到马德拉斯总统。Radhakrishna的研究特别关注CTA对南印度Koravar、Yerukula和Koracha社区的影响,这些社区的传统生存策略(即流动的盐和谷物贸易)在19世纪中期之后逐渐失败,原因是铁路的引入、公路投资和殖民税收政策。作者将关于“犯罪部落”的争论置于维多利亚时代关于“犯罪”的更广泛论述的背景下,指出在印度的英国管理者对优生学的重视远远少于对犯罪的社会学“解释”。因此,游牧社区被认为是犯罪,不是因为他们的基因倾向,而是因为“非理性”的习惯(例如,据称“漫无目的的流浪”),“不道德”的习俗(例如,容易离婚)和传统生存手段的丧失。因此,“犯罪部落”需要文明的努力,即以强制为后盾的教育,而这正是cta旨在提供法律框架的原因。Koravars, Yerukulas和Korachas,像其他游牧社区一样,将流动贸易与其他经济活动(如养牛和竹制品生产)结合起来。然而,当成群的牛越来越多地被马车和铁路所取代,当流动的商人被商业公司边缘化时,殖民政府得出结论,这些社区已经失去了所有“可见的收入来源”,因此,必然会走上犯罪道路。这是
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : SHAMITA BASU, Religious Revivalism as Nationalist Discourse. Swami Vivekananda and New Hinduism in Nineteenth Century Bengal, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 202 书评:SHAMITA BASU,宗教复兴主义作为民族主义话语。19世纪孟加拉的斯瓦米·维韦卡南达与新印度教,德里,牛津大学出版社,2002年,第202页
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000112
A. P. Sen
or Swami Vivekananda were ’reformers’ in the accepted sense of the term of ’made valuable contributions to the Indian social and religious reform movements in the nineteenth century’. In the case of Vivekananda, it would have been important to draw a distinction between a liberal-reformist outlook and active participation in organised reform campaigns. And Sri Ramakrishna, one would have to say, does not fit into either of these categories. Again, contrary to what is claimed, this is not
或斯瓦米·维韦卡南达是公认意义上的“改革者”,即“对19世纪印度社会和宗教改革运动做出了宝贵贡献”。在维韦卡南达的案例中,重要的是要区分自由改革主义的观点和积极参与有组织的改革运动。我们不得不说,室利罗摩克里希纳不属于这两类。再一次,与声称的相反,这不是
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : CATHERINE A. ROBINSON, Tradition and Liberation: The Hindu Tradition in the Indian Women's Movement, Surrey, Curzon Press, 1999, pp. 230 书评:CATHERINE A. ROBINSON,《传统与解放:印度妇女运动中的印度教传统》,萨里,Curzon出版社,1999年,第230页
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000110
Charu Gupta
or on water. Autumn crime was different from winter crime. Besides, the incidence of crime was not necessarily greatest in regions of most acute scarcity. Reading this chapter, one feels that so much more work of this kind is waiting to be done. We also witness the working of the colonial system in its application of the rule of property. Property was so sacrosanct that its damage was regarded as more dastardly and culpable than murder! The 1837-38 famine was a landmark in that, for the first time, it witnessed a systematic attempt at famine relief on the part of the state. It was the alarming scale of crime and the almost total breakdown of law and order that necessitated this effort. Even as relief measures were being undertaken, there were fears of promoting indolence among the relief-seekers. Hence the idea was to provide only enough for the barest minimum of subsistence. There was also a reluctance to interfere with the ’natural’ functioning of the market. And yet changes were taking place. The new classifications of destitutes and paupers broke down traditional indigenous identities. Famine relief acted as a social leveller, much to the discomfiture of the traditional elites. Thus the colonial state was revealed in all its
或者在水上。秋季犯罪不同于冬季犯罪。此外,在物资极度匮乏的地区,犯罪的发生率并不一定是最高的。读到这一章,人们会觉得还有很多这类工作等着我们去做。我们还目睹了殖民制度在适用财产规则方面的作用。财产是神圣不可侵犯的,因此对财产的破坏被认为比谋杀更卑鄙、更有罪!1837年至1838年的饥荒是一个里程碑,因为它第一次见证了国家对饥荒救济的系统尝试。犯罪的规模令人震惊,法律和秩序几乎完全崩溃,使这一努力成为必要。即使在采取救济措施的同时,也有人担心会助长寻求救济者的懒惰。因此,我们的想法是只提供最基本的生活所需。人们也不愿干预市场的“自然”功能。然而,变化正在发生。新的穷人和乞丐分类打破了传统的土著身份。饥荒救济起到了平衡社会的作用,这让传统精英们感到非常不安。这样,殖民国家就暴露了它的一切
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : SANJAY JOSHI, Fractured Modernity. Making of a Middle Class in Colonial North India, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2001, pp. 187 书评:桑杰·乔希,《断裂的现代性》。《北印度殖民地中产阶级的形成》,德里,牛津大学出版社,2001年,第187页
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000107
F. Orsini
global context of the last 20 years, in which neo-classical economists and freemarketeers have been striving with new vigour and increasing success to rule economies everywhere, educators will want to make students think hard about what an ’economy’ actually is; this will require additional reading to convey that economic history is more than time series data on market operations and growth trajectories. I
在过去20年的全球背景下,新古典主义经济学家和自由市场主义者一直在以新的活力和越来越大的成功努力统治世界各地的经济,教育者将希望让学生认真思考什么是“经济”;这将需要额外的阅读来传达经济史不仅仅是市场运行和增长轨迹的时间序列数据。我
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : HARIPRIYA RANGAN, Of Myths and Movements: Rewriting Chipko into Himalayan History, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2000, pp. 272. AKHILESHWAR PATHAK, Laws, Strategies and Ideologies: Legislating Forests in Colonial India, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 185 书评:HARIPRIYA RANGAN,《神话与运动:将Chipko改写成喜马拉雅历史》,德里,牛津大学出版社,2000年,第272页。《法律、战略和意识形态:殖民地印度的森林立法》,德里,牛津大学出版社,2002年,第185页
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000113
A. Prasad
The rise of environmental history in the last decades of the twentieth century opened up history writing to new themes and uncharted terrain. These included an exploration of the histories of states and polities in their relationship with natural resources on the one hand and history of movements for the rights of the people on the other. In the course of writing these histories the dominant discourses also made scathing critiques of modern development paradigms and their impact on marginalised and disadvantaged sections of the society. The resultant ideology of the ’Environmentalism of the Poor’ was done by people who were involved with existing environmental movements as activists or merely as ideologues. Today, after 15 years of the advent of environmentalism, the movements that provided it inspiration find themselves in a crisis. Little wonder then that there is now a serious attempt to re-evaluate the approaches of environmental history that popularised environmentalism as an ideology amongst Indian intelligentsia. The books under review are an attempt precisely at this task. Haripriya Rangan’s book Of Myths and Movements is an attempt to reinterpret the Chipko movement and its meaning for sustainable regional development. She writes that Chipko was a ’social movement’ that emerged nearly 25 years ago in the Garhwal Himalayas, and today ’transformed by a variety of narratives it exists
二十世纪最后几十年环境史的兴起为历史写作开辟了新的主题和未知的领域。这些内容一方面包括探索国家和政治与自然资源的关系的历史,另一方面包括人民权利运动的历史。在撰写这些历史的过程中,主流话语也对现代发展模式及其对社会边缘和弱势群体的影响进行了尖锐的批评。由此产生的“穷人的环境保护主义”的意识形态是由那些作为活动家或仅仅作为理论家参与现有环境运动的人完成的。今天,在环境保护主义出现15年后,为其提供灵感的运动发现自己处于危机之中。难怪现在有人认真地尝试重新评估环境史的方法,这些方法使环境主义在印度知识分子中成为一种意识形态。本文所讨论的书籍正是为完成这一任务所作的尝试。Haripriya Rangan的《神话与运动》一书试图重新解释Chipko运动及其对可持续区域发展的意义。她写道,Chipko是一场“社会运动”,大约25年前出现在喜马拉雅山脉的加尔瓦尔地区,今天“被各种各样的叙述所改变”
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引用次数: 0
Cattle, crime and colonialism: Property as negotiation in north India 牛、犯罪和殖民主义:北印度的财产谈判
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/001946460304000102
D. Gilmartin
Cattle theft was a common crime in British India, and yet one marked by contradictions. While the protection of property was for many a defining feature of the modern state, colonial administrators were often loath to interfere in the negotiations by which Indians commonly arranged the return of stolen cattle. By examining one important prosecution of cattle theft in Punjab's Karnal district in 1913, this article argues that the state, local communities and individuals negotiated the meaning of property at multiple levels. Property was not a fixed concept, but rather a field of negotiation in which the relationship of state, community and individual were tiefined.
在英属印度,偷牛是一种常见的犯罪行为,但也存在矛盾。虽然对许多人来说,保护财产是现代国家的一个标志性特征,但殖民地的管理者往往不愿干预印第安人通常安排归还被盗牲畜的谈判。通过考察1913年旁遮普邦卡纳尔区一起重要的盗牛案,本文认为,国家、地方社区和个人在多个层面上对财产的含义进行了协商。财产不是一个固定的概念,而是一个协商的领域,在这个领域中,国家、社区和个人之间的关系得到了界定。
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引用次数: 21
期刊
Indian Economic and Social History Review
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