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Fabricated justice: How due process reform enables evidence manipulation 捏造的正义:正当程序改革如何使证据操纵成为可能
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107222
Beatriz Magaloni , Esteban Salmón
This paper examines how due process reforms enable evidence manipulation. During the past two decades, most Latin American countries have radically reformed their criminal justice systems, with the aim of strengthening rights protections and curbing abuses. Focusing on Mexico, we uncover a paradox of these institutional reforms: confronted with social pressures to punish crimes, police officers and prosecutors with limited investigation capacities fabricate criminal cases that pretend to conform with stricter judicial standards. Using difference-in-differences designs with a representative prison survey and ethnographic fieldwork among criminal prosecutors, we document a decline in torture and a parallel rise in convictions grounded in fabricated evidence, most commonly planted drugs and weapons. This shift toward what we call “fabricated justice” has fueled an increase in drug trafficking convictions. This recent increase in planted evidence suggests that when rule of law reforms are implemented without corresponding investments in state capacity, they can generate new and unexpected forms of abuse.
本文探讨了正当程序改革如何使证据操纵成为可能。在过去二十年中,大多数拉丁美洲国家从根本上改革了其刑事司法制度,目的是加强权利保护和遏制滥用行为。以墨西哥为重点,我们揭示了这些体制改革的一个悖论:面对惩罚犯罪的社会压力,调查能力有限的警察和检察官捏造刑事案件,假装符合更严格的司法标准。我们采用“差异中的差异”设计,对具有代表性的监狱进行调查,并对刑事检察官进行人种学实地调查,结果发现,酷刑的减少与基于捏造证据(最常见的是植入毒品和武器)的定罪同时增加。这种向我们所说的“捏造的司法”的转变助长了毒品走私定罪的增加。最近越来越多的人为证据表明,如果在实施法治改革时没有对国家能力进行相应的投资,就可能产生意想不到的新形式的滥用。
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引用次数: 0
Wealth inequality and economic growth: Evidence from the World Inequality Database 财富不平等与经济增长:来自世界不平等数据库的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107250
Rachel Steenbrink , Ahmed Skali
Although it is often argued that wealth inequality matters more for economic growth than income inequality, this relationship has rarely been studied empirically, with a few exceptions covering a very restricted country sample or short timeframe. Leveraging hitherto unexploited wealth inequality data from the World Inequality Database, covering a panel of 165 countries between 1995 and 2019, we document a negative and statistically significant relationship between wealth inequality and economic growth. A one standard deviation increase in the wealth Gini coefficient within countries is associated with a 0.34 percentage points decline in growth rates. Instrumental variables support a causal interpretation of the results. The results survive a large battery of robustness checks, and we find no evidence to suggest a heterogeneous relationship.
尽管人们经常认为财富不平等比收入不平等对经济增长的影响更大,但这种关系很少得到实证研究,只有少数例外,涵盖了非常有限的国家样本或较短的时间框架。利用世界不平等数据库中迄今尚未开发的财富不平等数据,涵盖了1995年至2019年165个国家的面板,我们证明了财富不平等与经济增长之间存在统计学上显著的负相关关系。国家内部财富基尼系数每增加一个标准差,增长率就会下降0.34个百分点。工具变量支持对结果的因果解释。结果存活了大量的稳健性检查,我们发现没有证据表明异质关系。
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引用次数: 0
Social gaps, perceived inequality and protests 社会差距,感知到的不平等和抗议
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107248
Olivier Bargain , H. Xavier Jara , David Rivera
Latent feelings of economic vulnerability and social stagnation may have catalyzed the unprecedented uprisings that shook Latin America and other parts of the world in 2018–2019. We document this process in the context of Chile, leveraging survey data on protest participation and its potential determinants. Specifically, we construct a “social gap” index, measuring the disconnect between objective and perceived social status. Our findings suggest that this status misperception predicts protest involvement beyond factors such as perceived living costs, the subjective value of public services, peer influence, redistributive views and political demands. Notably, the social gap operates independently of broader feelings of unfairness and anger toward inequalities in explaining protests.
潜在的经济脆弱性和社会停滞感可能催化了2018-2019年震撼拉丁美洲和世界其他地区的前所未有的起义。我们在智利的背景下记录这一过程,利用抗议参与及其潜在决定因素的调查数据。具体而言,我们构建了一个“社会差距”指数,衡量客观社会地位与感知社会地位之间的脱节。我们的研究结果表明,这种对地位的误解预测了抗议参与,超出了诸如感知生活成本、公共服务的主观价值、同伴影响、再分配观点和政治要求等因素。值得注意的是,社会差距独立于更广泛的不公平情绪和对不平等的愤怒来解释抗议活动。
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引用次数: 0
Urbanization and decentralization in the Congo: Examining governance in rural towns 刚果的城市化和权力下放:考察农村城镇的治理
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107219
Soeren J. Henn , Aimable Lameke , Mastaki Mugaruka , Vincent Tanutama
How are rural towns governed in a context of fragility? This paper provides descriptive evidence to describe and quantify urbanization and the local organization of the state in 67 rural towns in four provinces of the Democratic Republic and the Congo. We present rich data on urbanization, state and local governance, taxation, public good provision, and citizens’ perceptions of governance. Three stories emerge. First, rural towns are growing, boosting high levels of ethnic diversity, and local trust, but are still largely agrarian and with unclear property rights. Second, a recent decentralization reform has been poorly implemented ten years on. Less than half the towns have a state administrators, no local elections took place, and revenue sharing is limited. Third, the governance goals of the reform remain largely unfulfilled. We observe a lack of democratic accountability, high levels of corruption, and an acute gap in financing. Finally, we find that these governance challenges are not correlated with levels of urbanization, implementation of the reforms, or levels of state capacity.
在脆弱的背景下,如何治理农村城镇?本文提供了描述性证据来描述和量化民主共和国和刚果四个省67个农村城镇的城市化和国家的地方组织。我们提供了关于城市化、州和地方治理、税收、公共产品提供和公民对治理的看法的丰富数据。三个故事出现了。首先,农村城镇正在发展,促进了高度的种族多样性和当地人的信任,但仍然主要是农业,产权不明确。其次,最近的分权改革十年来执行不力。不到一半的城镇有州行政长官,没有地方选举,收入分享有限。第三,改革的治理目标在很大程度上仍未实现。我们观察到缺乏民主问责制,腐败严重,资金缺口严重。最后,我们发现这些治理挑战与城市化水平、改革实施或国家能力水平无关。
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引用次数: 0
Citizenization and urban–rural income inequality: Evidence from the reform of hukou system in China 市民化与城乡收入不平等:来自中国户籍制度改革的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107238
Anbang Wang , Junqiao Ma , Ke He
Amid global income inequality, identity liberalization presents a viable solution. Overcoming traditional data acquisition limitations, this study integrated geographic information systems and gridded satellite dataset, utilizing 1 km-resolution nighttime light intensity, population and township-level administrative data. Theil index quantifies county-level urban–rural income inequality, while the generalized difference-in-differences method, using China’s reform of hukou system as a quasi-experiment, demonstrates that citizenization significantly mitigates urban–rural income inequality, especially under institutional discrimination. The underlying mechanisms operate through two channels: First, dismantling identity barriers enhances rural residents’ access to health security and social mobility, fostering their market integration capacity; Second, eliminating regional constraints optimizes regional market absorption capacity by facilitating the farmland marketization, technology diffusion, and job opportunities. As a complement to informal institutions, regions with deep-rooted Confucian and clan cultures exhibit stronger reform synergy, whereas pronounced dialect barriers hinder effectiveness. Over time, citizenization mitigates urban–rural income inequality exacerbated during early urbanization, accelerates income convergence, and advances the inflection point of urban–rural disparity, fostering societal income equalization.
在全球收入不平等的情况下,身份自由化是一个可行的解决方案。该研究克服了传统数据采集的局限性,利用1公里分辨率的夜间光照强度、人口和乡镇级行政数据,将地理信息系统与网格化卫星数据集相结合。他们的指数量化了县级城乡收入不平等,而以中国户籍制度改革为准实验的广义差中差法表明,市民化显著缓解了城乡收入不平等,尤其是在制度歧视的情况下。底层机制通过两个渠道发挥作用:一是身份障碍的消解提高了农村居民获得卫生保障和社会流动的机会,增强了他们的市场整合能力;二是消除区域约束,通过促进农地市场化、技术扩散和就业机会,优化区域市场吸收能力。作为非正式制度的补充,儒家和宗族文化根深蒂固的地区表现出更强的改革协同效应,而明显的方言障碍则阻碍了改革的有效性。随着时间的推移,市民化缓解了城市化早期加剧的城乡收入不平等,加速了收入趋同,推进了城乡差距拐点,促进了社会收入均等化。
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引用次数: 0
Introductory essay for special issue: future of work and welfare in India’s halting structural transition 特刊导论:印度停滞的结构转型中的工作和福利的未来
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107220
Sunil Mitra Kumar, Soumya Mishra, Louise Tillin
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引用次数: 0
The impact of foreign media on political mobilization during the Arab Spring 阿拉伯之春期间外国媒体对政治动员的影响
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107218
Laura Angelini , Luisito Bertinelli , Rana Cömertpay , Jean-François Maystadt
We investigate how foreign media influenced political mobilization during the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Focusing on two prominent transnational networks, Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya, we use Arab Barometer survey data to track political mobilization and media use indicators in Jordan, Lebanon, and the Palestinian Territories. To address potential endogeneity, we use the frequency of lightning strikes and submarine cable seaquake shocks as instrumental variables, which help isolate exogenous variation in access to foreign media. Our results show that access to foreign media has a positive and statistically significant effect on political mobilization. A one-standard-deviation increase corresponds to a rise in the likelihood of participating in protests of approximately 6.5 percentage points, a gain of approximately 39% at the sample mean. We argue that this effect is primarily driven by the informational dimension of foreign media, rather than its ideological content.
我们调查了外国媒体如何影响中东和北非(MENA)地区阿拉伯之春期间的政治动员。我们以半岛电视台(Al Jazeera)和阿拉伯电视台(Al Arabiya)这两个著名的跨国网络为研究对象,利用阿拉伯晴雨表(Arab Barometer)的调查数据,追踪约旦、黎巴嫩和巴勒斯坦领土的政治动员和媒体使用指标。为了解决潜在的内生性问题,我们使用雷击和海底电缆地震冲击的频率作为工具变量,这有助于隔离获取外国媒体的外生变化。我们的研究结果表明,获得外国媒体对政治动员具有正的和统计显著的影响。每增加一个标准差,参与抗议的可能性就增加约6.5个百分点,按样本平均值计算,增加约39%。我们认为,这种影响主要是由外国媒体的信息维度驱动的,而不是其意识形态内容。
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引用次数: 0
Does land tenure security reduce deforestation? Evidence from the Brazilian Amazon 土地保有权是否能减少森林砍伐?来自巴西亚马逊的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107233
Joao Paulo Santos Mastrangelo , Alexandre Gori Maia , Stella Zucchetti Schons
Increasing land tenure security has been advocated as a critical policy to reduce deforestation and promote sustainable development in the developing world. We evaluate the extent to which rural properties with secure land tenure are less prone to deforestation and more likely to comply with environmental rules in the Brazilian Amazon. We use a unique dataset with property-level information for the entire population of private rural properties registered in the state of Acre, Brazil. Our proxy for land tenure security is the absence of overlapping claims to property rights when a landowner registers their land in the federal Environmental Rural Registry. We evaluate the impacts of secure land rights on (i) the property’s share of the deforested area, and (ii) the likelihood that farmers comply with the Brazilian Forest Code, which defines a limit of 20% of deforested area in each property. The non-randomness between the treatment (land tenure security) and control (land tenure insecurity) groups is controlled by using various empirical strategies, including within-landholder fixed effects and matching strategies. Our results demonstrate that land tenure security significantly reduces deforestation and increases compliance with the Forest Code. We also show that even legally titled properties exhibit higher deforestation rates when land tenure rights are not effectively supported by land governance mechanisms.
在发展中国家,加强土地保有权保障一直被认为是减少森林砍伐和促进可持续发展的一项关键政策。我们评估了巴西亚马逊地区拥有安全土地所有权的农村财产在多大程度上不容易遭到森林砍伐,更有可能遵守环境规则。我们使用一个独特的数据集,其中包含在巴西阿克里州注册的所有私人农村财产的财产级别信息。我们对土地所有权安全的代表是,当土地所有者在联邦农村环境登记处登记他们的土地时,没有重叠的产权主张。我们评估了有保障的土地权利对以下方面的影响:(i)土地在毁林面积中的份额,以及(ii)农民遵守《巴西森林法》的可能性,该法规规定每个土地的毁林面积不得超过20%。处理组(土地权属安全组)和对照组(土地权属不安全组)之间的非随机性通过不同的经验策略控制,包括土地所有者内部固定效应和匹配策略。我们的研究结果表明,土地使用权保障显著减少了森林砍伐,提高了对《森林法》的遵守。我们还表明,当土地权属没有得到土地治理机制的有效支持时,即使是合法所有权的财产也会出现更高的森林砍伐率。
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引用次数: 0
Development as multidimensional environmental impoverishment 发展是多方面的环境贫困
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107228
Joan Martínez-Alier , Beatriz Rodríguez-Labajos
Poverty is multidimensional. Economic growth often implies environmental impoverishment and hence diminished options to choose valuable lives. People who are deprived of access to land, clean water and air because of extractive industries or as victims of waste disposal, often complain accordingly. They have lost freedom of choice regardless possible income increases, if they get them at all. We illustrate this with examples of ecological distribution conflicts collected in the EJAtlas. If you get some extra money but lose access to land, water and clean air because extractive industries grab your place and pollute your family, you are poorer in some dimensions than before, and poverty estimates need to take this into account.
贫困是多方面的。经济增长往往意味着环境贫困,从而减少了选择宝贵生命的机会。由于采掘业或作为废物处理的受害者而被剥夺了获得土地、清洁水和空气的机会的人经常因此而抱怨。他们失去了选择的自由,不管可能的收入增加,如果他们能得到的话。我们用EJAtlas中收集的生态分布冲突的例子来说明这一点。如果你得到了一些额外的钱,但由于采掘业占据了你的地盘并污染了你的家庭,你失去了获得土地、水和清洁空气的机会,那么你在某些方面比以前更穷了,贫困估计需要考虑到这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Gender, race and their interplay with economic status: intersectionality and asymmetric jeopardies in Brazilian education 性别、种族及其与经济地位的相互作用:巴西教育中的交叉性和不对称危害
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107232
Sunil Mitra Kumar , Lucio Esposito , Adrián Villaseñor , Sandra Macedo
A large body of research has illustrated how inequalities in educational achievements globally are rooted in a range of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. However, the sources of educational disadvantages are too often considered in isolation, without addressing how they interplay with one another. Building upon the intersectionality and multiple jeopardy frameworks, in this paper we employ a sequential mixed-methods approach to analyse the role played by economic status, gender and race in shaping education attainment in Brazilian high-stakes secondary education exams. Our specific focus is on how economic status, conceptualised as comprising an absolute and a relative facet, interplays with gender and race. Our quantitative analysis reveals that the two components of economic status interplay symmetrically with gender but asymmetrically with race. Gender attainment gaps shrink with higher absolute and relative status. Race attainment gaps also shrink with higher absolute status, but they expand with higher relative status. We use the insights obtained from the literature as well as from our qualitative interviews to situate and explain these findings. Our work improves the understanding of the multifaceted disadvantage experienced by students from underprivileged households in Brazil, highlighting how economic inequality and discrimination hinder educational attainment and jeopardise social mobility.
大量研究表明,全球教育成就的不平等是如何植根于一系列人口和社会经济特征的。然而,教育劣势的根源往往被孤立地考虑,而没有处理它们如何相互作用。在交叉性和多重危险框架的基础上,在本文中,我们采用顺序混合方法来分析经济地位、性别和种族在巴西高风险中学教育考试中塑造教育成就方面所起的作用。我们的重点是经济地位,概念上包括绝对和相对的方面,如何与性别和种族相互作用。我们的定量分析表明,经济地位的两个组成部分与性别的相互作用是对称的,而与种族的相互作用是不对称的。性别成就差距随着绝对地位和相对地位的提高而缩小。种族成就差距也随着绝对地位的提高而缩小,但随着相对地位的提高而扩大。我们使用从文献中获得的见解以及我们的定性访谈来定位和解释这些发现。我们的工作提高了对巴西贫困家庭学生所经历的多方面劣势的理解,突出了经济不平等和歧视如何阻碍教育成就并危及社会流动性。
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引用次数: 0
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World Development
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