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People, Power and Peace: The Public Obsessions of Jamal Gabobe and Mohamud Siad Togane 人民、权力与和平:贾马尔-加博贝和穆罕默德-西亚德-托加内的公众迷恋
Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1353/tmr.2024.a915897
H. B. Meriem
ABSTRACT:This paper explores the image of Siad Barre in Jamal Gabobe's and Mohamud S. Togane's poems and historicizes a decisive era in modern Somali history: the period between 1969 and 1990 during which Siad Barre ruled over Somalia. These poems explore the dictatorial nature of Barre's rule and the mechanisms by which he managed to stay in power. The personal trauma, which is expressed in some poems, is used as a foundation for Somalis' collective renaissance. By the act of writing and voicing their pain, the tormented empower themselves and shed light on a dark stage of Somali history, giving an inclusive image of the status of Somalis in Barre's and post-Barre's Somalia.Essential questions will be posed and addressed, such as: how did the poems written before the collapse of Barre's regime help Somalis fight dictatorship? What is the role of such poems in the construction of a new identity in the post-Barre era? Can they be seen as acts of discursive resistance?
ABSTRACT:This paper exploishes the image of Siad Barre in Jamal Gabobe's and Mohamud S. Togane's poems and historicizes a decisive era in modern Somali history: the period between 1969 and 1990 during which Siad Barre ruled over Somalia.这些诗歌探讨了巴雷统治的独裁性质以及他得以继续掌权的机制。一些诗歌所表达的个人创伤被用作索马里人集体复兴的基础。通过写作和表达痛苦,受折磨者增强了自己的能力,揭示了索马里历史上的黑暗阶段,为巴雷和后巴雷时代索马里人的地位提供了一个全面的形象。将提出并解决一些重要问题,如:巴雷政权垮台前创作的诗歌如何帮助索马里人反抗独裁?这些诗歌在后巴雷时代构建新身份的过程中发挥了什么作用?这些诗歌能否被视为话语抵抗行为?
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引用次数: 0
Principes Constitutionnels et Réalités Politiques, Administratives et Judiciaires au Maroc 摩洛哥的宪法原则与政治、行政和司法现实
Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1353/tmr.2024.a915901
M. Rousset
RÉSUMÈ:La constitution marocaine de 2011 a été saluée pour les avancées importantes qu'elle réalisait en ce qui concerne l'Etat de droit et la sécurité juridique: Le Pouvoir judiciaire s'est substitué à l'autorité judiciaire d'antan et d'autre part la constitution promet la gestion du territoire dans le cadre d'une régionalisation effective permettant d'aboutir en cohérence avec action de l'Etat à la réalisation d'une équité territoriale qui actuellement n'est qu'un leurre comme l'a démontré hélas le séisme de septembre 2023 dans le haut Atlas .Or sur ces deux points la réalité apporte un démenti aux dispositions constitutionnelles. Pour le premier démenti il s'agit de la persistance d'un phénomène, ancien, la spoliation immobilière, malgré la protection constitutionnelle de la propriété privée qui existe dans toutes les constitutions depuis 1962; ce phénomène est lié à l'existence d'une véritable mafia composée d'agents immobiliers, des membres des professions judiciaires et oara-judiciaires, sans oublier sans doute de personnel de diverses administrations, notamment la Conservation foncière, le tout sur fond de corruption, maladie endémique au Maroc.
摘要:2011 年的摩洛哥宪法因其在法治和法律确定性方面取得的重大进展而备受赞誉:司法机构取代了昔日的司法权威,宪法还承诺在有效的区域化框架内管理领土,从而有可能在与国家行动保持一致的情况下实现领土公平。在这两点上,现实与宪法规定背道而驰。首先,尽管自 1962 年以来的所有宪法都对私有财产提供了宪法保护,但长期存在的一种现象--掠夺财产--依然屡禁不止。 这种现象的存在与一个名副其实的黑手党有关,该黑手党由房地产经纪人、司法和仲裁专业人员组成,更不用说各行政部门的工作人员了,特别是土地登记处的工作人员,所有这些都是在腐败这一摩洛哥地方病的背景下产生的。
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引用次数: 0
Constructing Kurdish Statehood in Northern Iraq: The Primacy of Traditional Statecraft over International Law 在伊拉克北部建立库尔德国家:传统国策优先于国际法
Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1353/tmr.2024.a915899
Michael M. Gunter
ABSTRACT:This paper analyses the long-running debate between the oft-opposed international legal/political doctrines of self-determination (maintained by the Kurds) and territorial integrity (advocated by Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and Syria) to conclude that the latter trumps the former. The author examines international legal practice regarding the UN, the Helsinki Final Act of 1975, various ICJ decisions regarding former Yugoslavia and Africa, the international legal doctrines of sovereignty, succession and uti possidetis, among others, to reach this conclusion. However, there is nothing in international law that prohibits successful secession as the cases of Eritrea and Kosovo, among others, illustrate. Nevertheless, either the secession must be won in war or accepted peacefully by the original mother state. Neither has occurred in the case of the Kurds. Remedial secession and internal self-determination also offer more flexible interpretations of the applicability of self-determination, but do not constitute international law or detract in any way from the conclusion that territorial integrity takes precedence over self-determination. Thus, international law only plays a secondary role in attempts to solve the Kurdish predicament. Traditional power politics remains the primary solution to the Kurdish predicament. However, by successfully building rudimentary state institutions, the KRG has managed to stake a claim to autonomy and even nascent statehood.
ABSTRACT:本文分析了自决(库尔德人坚持)和领土完整(伊拉克、土耳其、伊朗和叙利亚主张)这两个经常对立的国际法律/政治理论之间的长期争论,得出结论认为后者优于前者。作者研究了有关联合国的国际法律惯例、1975 年《赫尔辛基最后文件》、国际法院有关前南斯拉夫和非洲的各项裁决、主权、继承和实际占领地保有权等国际法律理论,从而得出这一结论。然而,正如厄立特里亚和科索沃等国的情况所表明的那样,国际法中并没有禁止成功分离的规定。然而,分离必须在战争中获胜,或者被原母国和平接受。在库尔德人的案例中,这两种情况都没有发生。补救性分离和内部自决也为自决的适用性提供了更灵活的解释,但它们并不构成国际法,也丝毫不影响领土完整优先于自决的结论。因此,在试图解决库尔德人的困境时,国际法只能发挥次要作用。传统的强权政治仍然是解决库尔德困境的主要办法。然而,通过成功建立初级国家机构,库尔德地区政府成功地争取到了自治权,甚至是新生的国家地位。
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引用次数: 0
Climate Change and the Potential for Conflict in the Middle East: Emerging Threats to Security and Human Rights 气候变化与中东冲突的可能性:对安全和人权的新威胁
Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1353/tmr.2024.a915900
M. Monshipouri, Reza Mohajer
ABSTRACT:The traditional notion of national security, primarily concerned with accumulating military power and technological prowess, is likely to lose its traction in the face of emerging security threats caused by water scarcity, food insecurity, rising temperatures, frequent floods, sandstorms, rising sea levels, and declining precipitation throughout the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). This essay's overarching question is: will climate change lead to more generalized violence rooted in structural inequities and unequal power relations, and hence human rights abuses? We argue that climate change has the potential to destabilize the region by creating the conditions for conflict given the deteriorating climatic conditions. The case for reconsidering how to tackle climate threats, while also integrating socio-economic and environmental approaches into climate governance, could not be more urgent. We argue that the traditional tools of promoting state security cannot withstand the widespread and cross-cutting challenges that climate change poses to the survival, livelihoods, and dignity of the people.
ABSTRACT: 传统的国家安全概念主要关注军事实力和技术实力的积累,而面对中东和北非地区(MENA)水资源短缺、粮食不安全、气温升高、洪水频发、沙尘暴、海平面上升和降水量减少等新出现的安全威胁,这一概念很可能会失去吸引力。本文的首要问题是:气候变化是否会导致植根于结构性不平等和不平等权力关系的更普遍暴力,进而导致侵犯人权?我们认为,由于气候条件不断恶化,气候变化有可能为冲突创造条件,从而破坏该地区的稳定。重新考虑如何应对气候威胁,同时将社会经济和环境方法纳入气候治理的理由再迫切不过了。我们认为,促进国家安全的传统工具无法抵御气候变化对人们的生存、生计和尊严构成的广泛而跨领域的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Histoire du Sucre Marocain: De La Méditerranée à L'atlantique (XIe–XVIIe siècles), Nouvelles Sources by Souad El Yamani et Bernard Rosenberger (review) Histoire du Sucre Marocain: De La Méditerranée à L'atlantique (XIe-XVIIe siècles), Nouvelles Sources by Souad El Yamani and Bernard Rosenberger (review)
Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1353/tmr.2024.a915898
A. Farouk
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引用次数: 0
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